Dapat magsipagRESIGN na kung may katiting pang delikadeza ang pamunuan ng Philippine delegation, Chef de Mission na si William "butch" Ramirez at lahat ng bumubuo ng Philippine Sports Commission. Puro kahihiyan ang inabot natin sa Asian Games at nasayang lamang ang milyung-milyong pisong junket na iginugul na lamang sana sa scholarship funds para sa mga out of school youth.
May isang linggo na ang Asian Games sa Doha, Qatar subalit magpahanggang ngayon wala pa rin sa listahang medal standing at ZERO pa rin sa ginto ang Pilipinas. Ano ang nangyari, bakit kulelat na naman tayo? Kung totoong nag-champion ang Pilipinas sa SEA Games nung nakaraang taon, the same manner, logically dapat nangunguna tayo sa South East Asia (Thai, Malaysian, Viets, Indon, Singaporian at Burmese-Maynmar), dahil "marami na tayong pera, gumaganda't lumalakas na ang ating Piso at stock market, " ayon kay Ate Glo?
Buti pa ang Thailand, pang-anim sa standing, may 2 gold at LABING-ISANG medalya; Pangsampu ang Singapore, may isang gold at 6 medalya; may isang gold ang Indonesia at 4 na medalya; may isang gold na rin ang Malaysia at 4 na medalya; may 5 medalya ang Vietnam, may 4 na medalya ang Myanmar (isang bansang sinasabing mas maunlad pa raw ang Pilipinas) . Astig ang China, may 60 ginto at 104 na medalya. Parang kahit pagsamahain ang lahat ng medalya sa buong Asia, walang ibubuga pa rin sa China.
Binalik tanaw ko ang Asian Games nuong 1950s hanggang 1970s (golden years ng 'Pinas) kung saan hindi nawawala sa top 3 ang Pilipinas. Kahit sa ekonomya pumapangalawa tayo sa Asia, sumisegunda lamang sa Japan.
Matatandaang naghost tayo ng SEA Games (South East Asia, hindi Asia) nuong nakaraang taon. Dahil nasa home town advantages at daming players na Pinoy na nagparticipa, tayo ang nagchampion, tayo ang nanguna sa ginto at medal standing.
Kaya lang, nalagay sa kahihiyan at naging controbersyal ang Pilipinas nang isinawalat at iprinotesta ng dalawang bansa ang naging sistema't pamamaraan, panggugulang, dayaang at paghuhusga ng mga larangan sa mga palaro. Umangal ang Thailand (Prime Minister Thaksin tanggal na sa pwesto dahil sa Kudeta) at Vietnam sa garapalang pandarya sa SEA Games. Nagkaisa, nagalit at nagtampo ang sambayananag Pilipino sa reaksyon sa dalawang bansang kaanib sa Asean countries.
Pero sa ngayon, mukhang lumalabas na posibleng totoo nga ang anomalya, totoong pinilit, totoo ring iniregalo lamang ng mga official ng PSC kay Ate Glo ("survival mode") ang championship ng Pinas sa SEA Games, kung kaya't sa panawagang "at all cost," kung kailangang mandaya ay ggawin maging number one lamang sa SEA Games. Kabisado ng mga kabitbansa natin ang practice na dayaang laganap sa gubyerno, isang halimbawa ang “hello Garzi tape,” nursing examination, pamemeke ng mga dokumento at pandaraya't katiwalian sa gubyerno.
Inaasahan na nating malalagay sa alanganin ang Pilipinas sa Asian Games sa Doja. Mukhang 'di pinaghandaan at kulang sa budget. Bukud sa may pulitikahan at away-away, kinukurakot pa ng mga matataas na opisyal ng Phil Sports Commission (PSC) na kadalasa'y kasabwat pa ang Malakanyang. Dahil sa Doha Asian Games, malinaw na mali ang oryentasyon at prioridad sa sports na ipinapatupad ng PSC.
Mula ng lumitaw ang professional basketball, ang PBA sa Pilipinas, nagsimula ng malasin ang bansa, sinalaula, nakulelat, binansot nito ang dati rati'y hari, kinikilala, presitihong basketball ng 'Pinas sa Asia. Nawala na ang usapin ng pagmamahal at paglilingkod sa bansa at ang umiral, pera-pera, porma at yabang, Pacquiao, boxing at Bata Reyes-bilyar na lamang.
Sa kabila ng kahusayan nating mag-spokening DOLLAR, ang gagaling at pumapangatlo ang Pilipinas sa nagsasalita ng ENGLISH sa mundo. Eh ano ngayon, kulelat naman tayo sa SPORTs at sa halos lahat ng larangan sa Asia. Napag-iwanan ang 'Pinas sa larangan ng edukasyon, science and technology. Naiwan na rin tayo sa ekonomya lalo na sa pag-eengganyo ng mgadayuhang mamumuhunan (investors). Ultimo sa agrikultura, transportation at infrastructure, malayo na ang narating ng Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore at Vietnam. Tanging caregivers- KATULONG, japayuki, PROSTITUTION at basurahan na lamang ang expertice ng 'Pinas. Nakakaiyak, super Kawawa tayo, pinaubaya't ipinagkatiwala natin sa mga traditional politicians (TRAPO) ang pamumuno ng country.
Tiyak na may ugnayan ang lahat ng bagay-bagay na nangyayari sa bansa. Kung may damage ang kultura, damay rin ang economy at pulitika, kung malala ang krisis sa governance (paggugubyerno) walang kaduda-dudang damay pati ang sports at edukasyon ng ating bansa.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Dec 6, 2006
Tuesday, December 05, 2006
Monday, December 04, 2006
180 minutong panukalang political Ads, undemocratic at elitist!
Walang dahilan upang hindi tutulan ang panukalang gawing 180 minuto ang kasalukuyang 120 minutong airtime sa political ads sa television at radyo sa nalalapit na 2007 election. Ayon kay Etta Rosales ng Akbayan party list, "lalo lamang ilalatag ng nasabing panukala ang diskriminasyon at pag-eetchapwera sa mga pangkaraniwang aktibistang pulitiko na de kalibre ang taglay na kakayahan na maglingkod sa publiko." Palalalain lamang ng panukalang ito ang 'di pantay, di parehas (level of playing field) at elitististang sistema ng election.
Hindi lingid sa kaalaman ng country na buluk at para lamang sa mayaman ang sistema ng election sa Pilipinas at ito'y deka-dekada ng advocacy at hinaing ng maraming sector na ireporma ang sistema. Layunin ng kampanyang i-democratized at resolbahin ang krisis ng representation na naililikha ng kabulukan ng sistemang election. Nakapatungkol ang nasabing reporma sa pagbabago't pag-ooverhaul ng Omnibus Election Code, ang Comelec, selection process sa itatalagang commissioners, ang campaign funds at conduct, political party at election modernization (computerization).
Pabor sa mayayaman, showbiz, divisive at TRAPO ang sistema ng election. Nakakalungkot isiping hindi na mahalaga ang usapin ng track record at plataporma sa election. Walang electiong walang dayaan, patayan at kaguluhan. Walang pulitikong tumatanggap ng pagkatalo. Dahil dito, umangkop na rin pati ang mga botante; "kung kikita ka rin sa election, bakit hindi mo samantalahin, kahit sino man ang maupo wala ring nangyayari, walang pagbabago, kung kanino ka makikinabang iyon ang iboto mo. "
Ginagamit na instrumento ang election ng TRAPO at elite para konsolidahin at palawakin pang lalo ang kanilang impluwensya at dinastiyang politikal. Kung ika'y isang seryosong kandidato sa antas distrito, mangangailangan ka ng pondong humigit kumulang na limampung milyong piso (P50.0 milyon) upang maisiguro at maisecure lamang ang iyong panalo. Ilang milyong piso ang kalailanganin sa isang 5th - 2nd class municipality at sampung bilyong piso (P10.0 bilyon) ang kakailanganing campaign funds sa isang presidentiable aspirant? Kaya't kay daling unawain kung bakit laganap ang pangungurakot (pagbawi sa gastos ng kampanya) , utang na loob at padri-padrino sa pulitika.
Wala tunay na political party sa bansa. Sa esensya, ang mga pampulitikang partido sa election (KAMPI, Lakas-NUCD, NPC, KBL, LP at NP) ay binubuo lamang ng iba't-ibang alyansa ng pamilya, paksyon, Law Firm, fraternity at network para ipanalo ang kandidato, hindi pa para isulong ang tunay na plataporma de gubyerno nila. Sa tuwing may election lamang nabubuhay ang political party.
Sa election, napakahalaga ang isang electoral machinery, lohistika at personalidad. Ito ang nakakapanglupaypay na mga kadahilanan kung bakit hindi matinag-tinag ang pamamayagpag, ang monopolyo't KARTEL ng TRAPO-elite sa Tongreso, Senado at maging sa LGUs.
Inaasahang babaha ng dinero't resources sa nalalapit na 2007 election. Ito ang hayagang ibinunyag ni Sec Gabby Claudio ng Malakanyang na isang super machinery, kasadong- buhos resources (P100.0 bilyon war chest) ang ibabalagbag ng Malakanyang upang masawata ang bantang panalo ng oposisyon sa Kongreso.
Mapupunta lamang ang malaking bahagi ng campaign funds (national-district level) sa malalaking networks ng broadcast at print media. Daang libong piso ang bayad sa mahigit 30 segundong political ads sa Abs-Cbn, GMA 7 at ABC 5. Halos ganito rin ang halaga ng isang pahinang pol ads sa PDI, Phil Star at Bulletin Today, hindi pa kasali rito ang ilang daang streamers- tarpuline, pulyeto at gastusin sa poll watchers. Paano makakayanan ng isang Party List o isang pangkaraniwang kandidato ang milyon-milyung halaga't gastusin sa election campaign? Talagang perahan na lamang ang election! Hindi nakakapagtaka kung bakit tumataas ang kriminalidad, patayan, bank robbery sa tuwing papalapit na ang election.
Kung makakalusot ang panukalang 180 minutong political ads, dagdagan pa ng Kasal Binyag Libing (KBL), makinarya't vote buying, dagdag-bawas, pandaraya't pananakot (dirty tricks) sa election, walang kaduda-duang mga PEKENG kinatawan ang maililikha sa Tongreso at sa local government units (LGUs), wala ring dudang lalala lamang ang krisis ng representasyon, patayan at kaTRAPOHAN sa bansa.
Kung magkaganito man, wala ring kaduda-dudang panghahawakan ng mamamayan ang “extra constitutional” na paraan ng adbokasiya, pagbabago't pakikibaka para sa demokrasya't kaunlaran; kaya't sa ayaw man natin o sa gusto, magiging bahagi na ng kultura natin ang insureksyon, rebelyon, armadong pakikibaka, at hindi titigil ang malalaking rally, demonstrasyon sa lansangan (parliament of street) at kung susuwertehen, may bonus pang KUDETA sa mga junior officers. Ang tanging makakapigil lamang sa madugong labanang ito ay ang isang matino, demokratiko, credible at mapagkakatiwalaang ELECTION.
Kung ganito ng ganito, paulit-ulit at hindi natututo ang estado, hindi tayo magtatakang papaling sa bullets ang mamamayan imbis na ballots? Nasaan ang demokrasya kung puro TRAPO- kurakot at pekeng kinatawan ang palagiang nailulukluk sa poder ng kapangyarihan, nasaan ang partisipasyon ng mamamayan kung mawawala ng tuluyan ang tiwala't pagdududa sa election process at representasyon? Kailan ma'y hindi nakalasap ng demokrasya ang mga Pilipino. Kailan matatapos ang rebelyon at pagrerebolusyon ng ating mga kapatid sa Kaliwa at Mindanao?
Maraming kritiko't panlipunang nagsusuri, kasama ang ilang kilusan at ilang mga developmental NGO community ang nag-iinovate at nag-aaral ng mga makabagong sistem ng paggugubyerno't representasyon sa grassroot level, sa community. Marami sa kanila ang naniniwala't bumabaling na sa kawastuhan ng direct democracy kaysa sa makalumang "representative democracy" na tumarantado, pinauso't pinamana sa atin ng mga Amerikano.
Masarap sanang pangaraping maipagbabawal na sa election campaign ang POL ADS sa media (broadcast at print), ipagbawal ang badtrip na pagdidikit ng poster sa highway-lansangan, dumurumi lamang ang kapaligiran, ipagbawal ang streamers-tarpuline na nakakadistorbo sa traffic at wala ng poll watchers. Malaking katipiran ito sa bahagi ng mga kandidato. Mas mainam din marahil (alternatiba) kung magkakaroon na lamang ng mga PULONG BAYAN, debate't diskurso sa mga plaza, lansangan o dili kaya'y sa istasyon ng telebisyon at radio ng gubyerno. Lahat ng aspirante ay pantay at parehas na mabibiyayaan, makapagpapahayag ng track records, plataporma de gubyerno at makakapagpakilala ng sarili.
Attention PPCRV ng Cathoic Bishop Conference of the Philppines.
links:
http://www.journal.com.ph/index.php?issue=2006-12-05&sec=4&aid=3505
Doy Cinco / IPD
Dec 5, 2006
Hindi lingid sa kaalaman ng country na buluk at para lamang sa mayaman ang sistema ng election sa Pilipinas at ito'y deka-dekada ng advocacy at hinaing ng maraming sector na ireporma ang sistema. Layunin ng kampanyang i-democratized at resolbahin ang krisis ng representation na naililikha ng kabulukan ng sistemang election. Nakapatungkol ang nasabing reporma sa pagbabago't pag-ooverhaul ng Omnibus Election Code, ang Comelec, selection process sa itatalagang commissioners, ang campaign funds at conduct, political party at election modernization (computerization).
Pabor sa mayayaman, showbiz, divisive at TRAPO ang sistema ng election. Nakakalungkot isiping hindi na mahalaga ang usapin ng track record at plataporma sa election. Walang electiong walang dayaan, patayan at kaguluhan. Walang pulitikong tumatanggap ng pagkatalo. Dahil dito, umangkop na rin pati ang mga botante; "kung kikita ka rin sa election, bakit hindi mo samantalahin, kahit sino man ang maupo wala ring nangyayari, walang pagbabago, kung kanino ka makikinabang iyon ang iboto mo. "
Ginagamit na instrumento ang election ng TRAPO at elite para konsolidahin at palawakin pang lalo ang kanilang impluwensya at dinastiyang politikal. Kung ika'y isang seryosong kandidato sa antas distrito, mangangailangan ka ng pondong humigit kumulang na limampung milyong piso (P50.0 milyon) upang maisiguro at maisecure lamang ang iyong panalo. Ilang milyong piso ang kalailanganin sa isang 5th - 2nd class municipality at sampung bilyong piso (P10.0 bilyon) ang kakailanganing campaign funds sa isang presidentiable aspirant? Kaya't kay daling unawain kung bakit laganap ang pangungurakot (pagbawi sa gastos ng kampanya) , utang na loob at padri-padrino sa pulitika.
Wala tunay na political party sa bansa. Sa esensya, ang mga pampulitikang partido sa election (KAMPI, Lakas-NUCD, NPC, KBL, LP at NP) ay binubuo lamang ng iba't-ibang alyansa ng pamilya, paksyon, Law Firm, fraternity at network para ipanalo ang kandidato, hindi pa para isulong ang tunay na plataporma de gubyerno nila. Sa tuwing may election lamang nabubuhay ang political party.
Sa election, napakahalaga ang isang electoral machinery, lohistika at personalidad. Ito ang nakakapanglupaypay na mga kadahilanan kung bakit hindi matinag-tinag ang pamamayagpag, ang monopolyo't KARTEL ng TRAPO-elite sa Tongreso, Senado at maging sa LGUs.
Inaasahang babaha ng dinero't resources sa nalalapit na 2007 election. Ito ang hayagang ibinunyag ni Sec Gabby Claudio ng Malakanyang na isang super machinery, kasadong- buhos resources (P100.0 bilyon war chest) ang ibabalagbag ng Malakanyang upang masawata ang bantang panalo ng oposisyon sa Kongreso.
Mapupunta lamang ang malaking bahagi ng campaign funds (national-district level) sa malalaking networks ng broadcast at print media. Daang libong piso ang bayad sa mahigit 30 segundong political ads sa Abs-Cbn, GMA 7 at ABC 5. Halos ganito rin ang halaga ng isang pahinang pol ads sa PDI, Phil Star at Bulletin Today, hindi pa kasali rito ang ilang daang streamers- tarpuline, pulyeto at gastusin sa poll watchers. Paano makakayanan ng isang Party List o isang pangkaraniwang kandidato ang milyon-milyung halaga't gastusin sa election campaign? Talagang perahan na lamang ang election! Hindi nakakapagtaka kung bakit tumataas ang kriminalidad, patayan, bank robbery sa tuwing papalapit na ang election.
Kung makakalusot ang panukalang 180 minutong political ads, dagdagan pa ng Kasal Binyag Libing (KBL), makinarya't vote buying, dagdag-bawas, pandaraya't pananakot (dirty tricks) sa election, walang kaduda-duang mga PEKENG kinatawan ang maililikha sa Tongreso at sa local government units (LGUs), wala ring dudang lalala lamang ang krisis ng representasyon, patayan at kaTRAPOHAN sa bansa.
Kung magkaganito man, wala ring kaduda-dudang panghahawakan ng mamamayan ang “extra constitutional” na paraan ng adbokasiya, pagbabago't pakikibaka para sa demokrasya't kaunlaran; kaya't sa ayaw man natin o sa gusto, magiging bahagi na ng kultura natin ang insureksyon, rebelyon, armadong pakikibaka, at hindi titigil ang malalaking rally, demonstrasyon sa lansangan (parliament of street) at kung susuwertehen, may bonus pang KUDETA sa mga junior officers. Ang tanging makakapigil lamang sa madugong labanang ito ay ang isang matino, demokratiko, credible at mapagkakatiwalaang ELECTION.
Kung ganito ng ganito, paulit-ulit at hindi natututo ang estado, hindi tayo magtatakang papaling sa bullets ang mamamayan imbis na ballots? Nasaan ang demokrasya kung puro TRAPO- kurakot at pekeng kinatawan ang palagiang nailulukluk sa poder ng kapangyarihan, nasaan ang partisipasyon ng mamamayan kung mawawala ng tuluyan ang tiwala't pagdududa sa election process at representasyon? Kailan ma'y hindi nakalasap ng demokrasya ang mga Pilipino. Kailan matatapos ang rebelyon at pagrerebolusyon ng ating mga kapatid sa Kaliwa at Mindanao?
Maraming kritiko't panlipunang nagsusuri, kasama ang ilang kilusan at ilang mga developmental NGO community ang nag-iinovate at nag-aaral ng mga makabagong sistem ng paggugubyerno't representasyon sa grassroot level, sa community. Marami sa kanila ang naniniwala't bumabaling na sa kawastuhan ng direct democracy kaysa sa makalumang "representative democracy" na tumarantado, pinauso't pinamana sa atin ng mga Amerikano.
Masarap sanang pangaraping maipagbabawal na sa election campaign ang POL ADS sa media (broadcast at print), ipagbawal ang badtrip na pagdidikit ng poster sa highway-lansangan, dumurumi lamang ang kapaligiran, ipagbawal ang streamers-tarpuline na nakakadistorbo sa traffic at wala ng poll watchers. Malaking katipiran ito sa bahagi ng mga kandidato. Mas mainam din marahil (alternatiba) kung magkakaroon na lamang ng mga PULONG BAYAN, debate't diskurso sa mga plaza, lansangan o dili kaya'y sa istasyon ng telebisyon at radio ng gubyerno. Lahat ng aspirante ay pantay at parehas na mabibiyayaan, makapagpapahayag ng track records, plataporma de gubyerno at makakapagpakilala ng sarili.
Attention PPCRV ng Cathoic Bishop Conference of the Philppines.
links:
http://www.journal.com.ph/index.php?issue=2006-12-05&sec=4&aid=3505
Doy Cinco / IPD
Dec 5, 2006
Saturday, December 02, 2006
“Final Push” ng Con Ass diretso sa BANGIN
Nasisiraan na ng bait, baliw, praning na't umaasa pa sa Con Ass ang mga luko-luko sa Tongreso. Sa akalang nasa likod nila ang 6 hanggang 9 na milyong constituencies na pumirma (fake) sa Pipol Inisyatib ng Sigaw ng Bayan, ULAP at DILG, akalang sila'y mga tunay na representatante't kinatawan ng kanilang distrito't (nahalal sa balangkas ng kabulukan at elitistang sistemang pulitika't election) at akalang sa kanila na ang susunod na itatalagang bagong Supreme Court chief justice na si Associate Justice Reynato Puno. Akala n'yo lang!!!
Sapagkat mga Kasal Binyag Libing (KBL), makinarya't vote buying, dagdag-bawas, pandaraya't pananakot ang ginamit na mga ito kaya nahalal sa election, isang PEKENG kinatawan at representasyon ang nailikha sa Tongreso at sa local government units (LGUs).
Kailanma'y wala sa pulitiko't sa Tongreso ang suporta ng mamamayan. Sa katunayan, may 70% ng mamamayan, CBCP at pati na ang Makati Business Club (MBC) ang ayaw sa Cha Cha, gustong patalsikin si ate Glo at gustong buwagin ang Tongreso (SWS at Pulse Asia survey). Matapos maibasura ang PI, ultimo si Ate Glo ay atubili, 'di seryoso't napanghinanaan na ng loob na maisasakatuparan pa ang Con Asshole sa taung kasalukuyan at 2007. "Monumental blunder" at isang "condemnable exerciase" ang planong Con Ass, ayon sa pahayag naman ni FVR-Tabako.
May pag-asa pang makabawi sa katangahan at kahihiyan si Tainga de Venecia, Tongreso, ULAP at si Ate Glo kung iaatras nito ang Con Ass, ibabaling at pagkaka-abalahan nito ang relief and rehabilitation sa bilyong pisong pinsala at libong namatayan sa napakalaking trahedyang idinulot ng Bagyong Reming sa Southern Tagalog at Bicol Region.
Nakamanman ang buong mundo at sa susunod na linggo na ang Asean Summit. OVERKILL kung garapalang itutulak pa ng Tongreso, DILG at Union of Local authorities of the Phil. (ULAP) ang Con Ass. Kung baga, ceasefire muna sa pagnanasang pang-sarili't pamumulitika, "let's move on na muna tayo." pagtuunan muna ang lahat ng pagsisikap, tuong sa budget insertion-pork barrel sa mga nasalanta ng bagyo Reming sa probinsya ng Albay, Catanduanes, Camarines Sur, Marinduque, isla ng Mindoro at Batangas. Kung sa bagay, halos araw-araw sinasalanta ng kalamidad na gawang tao ang mamamayan.
Walang patutunguhan, kahihinatnan ang "final Push ng Con Ass," useless exercise, walang tangang Pinoy ang naniniwalang maipagtatagumpayan pa ng mga pulitiko ang Con Ass-kupal. Bukud sa isyu ng kredibilidad, walang numero, walang QUORUM, kulang o walang warm bodies na aasikaso't magpu-push nito sa Kongreso. Kung sa bagay, libre ang mangarap at maging baliw.
Kung ipupursigi ang maitim na balaking maiconvene ang Con Ass sa Dec 6, ang iskedyul na itinakda ni Tainga de Venecia at mga GOONs ng pro-Cha Cha, ipostpone ang May 2007 election, pagpapalawig ng termino ng mga pulitiko hanggang Nov.'07, gawing interim parliament ang Tongreso, magkaroon ng plebisito sa January'07 at palitan kuno ang sistema ng paggugubyerno sa paraang Con Ass mula presidential tungo sa parliamentaryo ay isang maliwanag na pagpapatiwakal sa bahagi ng administrasyon. Lalo lamang titindi't lalala ang political uncertainty, polarization at division ng ating bansa at walang dudang nang-eengganyo ito ng radicalization at fertilizer tungo sa insureccion at rebellion.
Suntuk sa buwang maico-convene ang super unpopular na Con Ass, kasunod na Plebisito sa February 12, interim parliament hanggang November '07 at No-El (walang election) sa May '07.
Una, pagbali-baligtarin man nating ang pangyayari, wala ng panahon. Kahit may dalawang beses itong nagkaroon ng caucus sa Malakanyang at sinupalpalan ng dinero't SARO, walang numero, hirap magkaroon ng quorum at bilang sa daliri ang warm bodies na magtutulak nito. Dahil mga TRAPO, likas na sa mga ito ang pamumulitika't paghahanda sa 2007 May election. Abala na ito sa maraming pulong sa constituencies, distrito't pagtatayo ng makinarya.
Pangalawa, sabihin man nating iligal at sinolo ng House ang labanan sa Con Ass, meaning walang magkapareho at magkasabay na panukala (convene) sa Senate, kung hindi maimo-move, mababago o mairerelax ang House rules, dadaan ito sa butas ng karayum sa mga oposisyon sa plenary. Dadaan ang nasabing panukala sa nakagawiang 1st reading hanggang 3rd ang final reading. Sa ganitong senaryo, suntuk sa buwang aabot sa Dec 6 o hanggang Dec 16 ang inaasam-asam na pagcoconvene ng Con Ass.
Makalusut man sa Tongreso sa tatlong serye ng pagBASA ang Con-Ass, hindi papayag si Sen Enrile at si Brenda Santiago (mga urong-sulong na alyado ng administrasyon) na buwagin ang Senado ng Tongreso dahil sa Cha Cha. dagdag pa, kukuwestyunin ng mga Senador ang legality at Constitutionality ng Con Ass, agad idudulug sa Supreme Court at maaring mahingan ng Temporary Restraining Order (TRO). May dalawang Linggo rin ang bisa ng nasabing TRO.
Pangatlo, ang isyu ng credibilidad. Isang dahilan kung bakit mabantot sa pang-amoy ng mamamayan ang Con Ass-hole ay dahil sa ang mga pasimuno't nagtutulak nito. Isiping mga traditional politicians (TRAPOs), Villafuerte, Nograles, Jaraula, Tainga de Venecia, Ate Glo, Pichay, Salceda, Veloso, Apostol at Gov. Erico Aumentado! Mga matatagal ng pulitiko sa panahon ni Marcos. Parang sinasabing 'gagawa ng panukalang batas hinggil sa 'peace and order' ang mga kriminal at magnanakaw, ang naatasang magbantay sa sisiw ay uwak at lawin..
Isang libong katanungan at kabaliwang isiping biglang naging progresibo't mga aktibista ang ating mga representatante, ang hirap paniwalaang ng mahigit isang libong beses na biglaang magiging born again democrats ang mga kinatawang TRAPO sa Tongreso dahil lamang sa kanilang panawagang baguhin ang sistemang pulitika at Constitutional reform.
Ang totoo, ang may kasalanan at dahilan kung bakit sumama't bumulusok sa kabulukan ang sistema ng pulitika at ang krisis ng representasyon sa bansa ay sila rin mismo, mga TRAPO. Resulta't produkto ito ng deka-dekadang 'di pantay, 'di parehas na sistema ng pulitika't election sa bansa. Sila ang mga padrino't pulitikong angkan, ang oligarkiya't casique na kumontrol ng poder at sumalaula ng ating Constitution at demokrasya.
Ito ang matagal ng isinisigaw ng mga progresibong kilusan, mga demokratiko't makabayang kilusang nasa parliamento ng lansangan at ang nakakalungkot, ang mga kilusan at aktibistang kabilang dito ang biniktima't pinapaslang, pinaratangan ng sobersibo't komunista.
Kung titignan ang background, history at track record ng mga pulitikong ito, daang milyong pisong ginagastos nito sa tuwing election, pork barrel, suriin ang political party na kinasasapian nito, plataporma't ideolohiya, antimano't walang dudang sa kangkungan pupulutin ang ating country.
Kabilang sa malalaking political clan na mga may tatlo (3) hanggang apat (4) na henerasyong humawak sa 'di mabilang na pwesto sa gubyerno ang karamihan sa kanila. Ang kanilang LOLO ng mga LOLO, LOLO't Lola, ang kanilang magulang hanggang sa kanilang mga anak at apo ay kung 'di man may hawak ng malalaking negosyo, matataas na pwesto sa burukrasya ay nasa pulitika't nahalal bilang Bokal, Mayor, Mayor-councilors, Goberndor at Tongresman. Pero, ano ang nangyari sa country, bumuti ba? Kulelat sa lahat ng larangan sa Asia, katulong, basurahan at pulubi ng mundo.
Daan-daan milyon piso ang kani-kanilang ASSETs at liabilities. Wala silang ipinagkaiba sa mga pulitiko nuong panahon bago mag WWII, ni Magsasaysay (LP at NP), bago lumitaw at maibagsak si Marcos (KBL) , sa mga pulitiko nuong panahong ksalukuyan. Parehong TRAPO, ELITISTA'T mataas ang social standing, better educated at kadalasa'y abugado/go.
Kung nuon dominado ng Casique o land-lord elite-kumprador ang may kontrol sa pulitika't kapangyarihan, ngayo'y mangilan-ngilan na lamang at halos REAL ESTATE developers, Bankero, mga stockbrokers, mga big time professionals, negosyante o mga mlalaking kontratista. Panahon pa ni Marcos (KBL, LDP, Lakas-NUCD, NPC, LP at NP) ang karamihang mga pulitiko sa Tongreso. Nasa politika pa rin magpahanggang ngayon ang mga buluk na pangalan ng mga TRAPO. Ang mamamayan na ang makapagsasabi sa track record ng mga ito sa Congress Sino ang maniniwalang seryoso ang mga ito na ireporma ang pulitika at election?
May nagawa ba sila upang iwasto ang kabulukan ng sistemang politika at electoral ng bansa? Imbis na palakasin ang partisipasyon ng mamamyn, pampulitika't demokratikong institusyon, ang Tongreso, si Ate Glo, Tainga de Venecia pa mismo ang siyang sumagka, bumastos, bumansot at sumira nito. Patuloy na nilalamutak ng Tongreso ang katatagan ng estado. Kaya't walang rason, walang dahilan upang pagkatiwalaan pa ng country ang mga TRAPO.
Sinong siraulo at tangang Pinoy ang maniniwalang “may hangad at layunin paunlarin ng TRAPO ang ekonomya ng bansa sa pamagitan ng Cha Cha? Sa loob na lamang ng siyam na taon (3 terms), may nagawa ba ang Kongreso hinggil sa patakarang “magkaroon ng industrial policy ang bansa at sawatain ang penomenom ng OFW?” Sa isyu na lamang ng Utang Panlabas, hindi nito binago't pinakialamanan, bagkus pinabayaang mahigit 30-40% ng ating kabang yaman (national budget) ang ipinangbabayad sa UTANG, mga utang na hindi napakikinbangan ng country!” Hindi nito pinangarap na ipa-cancela o i-write-off ang gadambuhlang utang sa IMF-WB. Mga utang na kinurakot at hindi man lang napakinabangan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Ano ang nagawa ng TRAPO upang mabawasan man lang ang pangungurakot sa gubyerno na tayo na ang lumalabas na Validictorian sa Asia? Ang tanging inasikaso ng mga TRAPO, pinagkaabalahan ay pork barrel, TONG at pangungurakot, panay pansarili, vested interest lamang.
Ano ang napala ng mamamayang Pilipino sa mgaTRAPONG ito sa Tongreso, kawalan ng hanapbuhay, basura, mataas na presyo ng bilihin, taas ng singil sa kuryente at tubig, kakapusan ng basic services tulad ng paaralan at edukasyon, pabahay at kalusugan at ang pinakamalupit at tindi, ang pagyurak ng karapatan at kalayaan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Pang-apat, isang iligal at imoralidad ang Con Ass. “Nilalamutak, ginagahasa't nire-rail road ng mga TRAPO ang Constitution at Demokrasya. Ayon sa Constitution, ang kahulugan at ibig sabihin ng Congress ay two houses, meaning may Lower at Senate o Upper Houses functioning seperately. May ¾ vote from the House at Senate. Magkakaroon lamang ng Joint session ng Lower at Senate kung mayroon lamang panganib na magkakaGERA o magdedeklara ng Batas Militar ang bansa.
Ang Constitution ay isang sagradong pundasyon ng isang gubyerno. Ito ang gabay o patnubay na tinatahak ng isang bansa. Ito ang garantiya kung saan ang karapatan at relasyon ng mamamayan ay palalakasin at irerespeto. May prosesong sinusunod ang ating Constitution, kung gusto natin itong palitan isa na ang Constitutional Convention (Con Con) kung saan pinipili't hinahalal sa pamamagitan ng eleksyon ang mga taong uugit ng ating Constitution.
Panglima, Isang malaking panlilinlang at panloloko ang Con Ass at Cha Cha. Political survival at kasakiman sa kapangyarihang manatili hanggang 2010 si Ate Glo at mga TRAPO sa Tongreso. Layunin nitong burahin sa kasaysayan ang krimen at panunupil na kinasangkutan nito, pambubugaw sa ating mga kababayan sa mga dayuhan, 'hello garci tape contraversy," bilyong pangungurakot at katiwalian sa gubyerno at tugisin, tiris-tirisin ang oposisyon at kaaway sa pulitika.
Hindi na bago ang modus operandi ng administrasyong GMA. Ang plebisito at interim parliament (with Cabinet members) na inilalako ng Con Ass, walang gubyerno ang natatalo sa plebisito. Sa panahon ni Marcos at sa iba pang mga bansa, dinadaya't minamanipula ng gubyerno ang mga plebisito. Isang rubber stamp-puppet na kahalintulad ng Batasang Pambansang (unicameral) kontrol ng partidong KBL ng diktadurang Marcos ang pinopropose na "Interim parliament" ni Tainga de Venecia, Tandang Villafuerte, ni Pechay, ng Malakanyang at ni Ate Glo.
Kaya't sa kangkungan pupulutin ang “final Push,” sa bangin ng kumunoy ng kasaysayan ang Cha Cha ni Ate Glo, Tainga de Venecia, mga barkada't mga goons nito sa Lakas-CMD, NPC at KAMPI.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Dec. 2, 2006
Sapagkat mga Kasal Binyag Libing (KBL), makinarya't vote buying, dagdag-bawas, pandaraya't pananakot ang ginamit na mga ito kaya nahalal sa election, isang PEKENG kinatawan at representasyon ang nailikha sa Tongreso at sa local government units (LGUs).
Kailanma'y wala sa pulitiko't sa Tongreso ang suporta ng mamamayan. Sa katunayan, may 70% ng mamamayan, CBCP at pati na ang Makati Business Club (MBC) ang ayaw sa Cha Cha, gustong patalsikin si ate Glo at gustong buwagin ang Tongreso (SWS at Pulse Asia survey). Matapos maibasura ang PI, ultimo si Ate Glo ay atubili, 'di seryoso't napanghinanaan na ng loob na maisasakatuparan pa ang Con Asshole sa taung kasalukuyan at 2007. "Monumental blunder" at isang "condemnable exerciase" ang planong Con Ass, ayon sa pahayag naman ni FVR-Tabako.
Dahil sa garapalang pambabastos, panloloko't panlilinlang, dinoble dead ng Supreme Court (SC) ang People Initiative (PI-Cha Cha) at hindi impusibleng muling maibabasura rin ang Con Ass.
May pag-asa pang makabawi sa katangahan at kahihiyan si Tainga de Venecia, Tongreso, ULAP at si Ate Glo kung iaatras nito ang Con Ass, ibabaling at pagkaka-abalahan nito ang relief and rehabilitation sa bilyong pisong pinsala at libong namatayan sa napakalaking trahedyang idinulot ng Bagyong Reming sa Southern Tagalog at Bicol Region.
Nakamanman ang buong mundo at sa susunod na linggo na ang Asean Summit. OVERKILL kung garapalang itutulak pa ng Tongreso, DILG at Union of Local authorities of the Phil. (ULAP) ang Con Ass. Kung baga, ceasefire muna sa pagnanasang pang-sarili't pamumulitika, "let's move on na muna tayo." pagtuunan muna ang lahat ng pagsisikap, tuong sa budget insertion-pork barrel sa mga nasalanta ng bagyo Reming sa probinsya ng Albay, Catanduanes, Camarines Sur, Marinduque, isla ng Mindoro at Batangas. Kung sa bagay, halos araw-araw sinasalanta ng kalamidad na gawang tao ang mamamayan.
Walang patutunguhan, kahihinatnan ang "final Push ng Con Ass," useless exercise, walang tangang Pinoy ang naniniwalang maipagtatagumpayan pa ng mga pulitiko ang Con Ass-kupal. Bukud sa isyu ng kredibilidad, walang numero, walang QUORUM, kulang o walang warm bodies na aasikaso't magpu-push nito sa Kongreso. Kung sa bagay, libre ang mangarap at maging baliw.
Kung ipupursigi ang maitim na balaking maiconvene ang Con Ass sa Dec 6, ang iskedyul na itinakda ni Tainga de Venecia at mga GOONs ng pro-Cha Cha, ipostpone ang May 2007 election, pagpapalawig ng termino ng mga pulitiko hanggang Nov.'07, gawing interim parliament ang Tongreso, magkaroon ng plebisito sa January'07 at palitan kuno ang sistema ng paggugubyerno sa paraang Con Ass mula presidential tungo sa parliamentaryo ay isang maliwanag na pagpapatiwakal sa bahagi ng administrasyon. Lalo lamang titindi't lalala ang political uncertainty, polarization at division ng ating bansa at walang dudang nang-eengganyo ito ng radicalization at fertilizer tungo sa insureccion at rebellion.
Suntuk sa buwang maico-convene ang super unpopular na Con Ass, kasunod na Plebisito sa February 12, interim parliament hanggang November '07 at No-El (walang election) sa May '07.
Una, pagbali-baligtarin man nating ang pangyayari, wala ng panahon. Kahit may dalawang beses itong nagkaroon ng caucus sa Malakanyang at sinupalpalan ng dinero't SARO, walang numero, hirap magkaroon ng quorum at bilang sa daliri ang warm bodies na magtutulak nito. Dahil mga TRAPO, likas na sa mga ito ang pamumulitika't paghahanda sa 2007 May election. Abala na ito sa maraming pulong sa constituencies, distrito't pagtatayo ng makinarya.
Pangalawa, sabihin man nating iligal at sinolo ng House ang labanan sa Con Ass, meaning walang magkapareho at magkasabay na panukala (convene) sa Senate, kung hindi maimo-move, mababago o mairerelax ang House rules, dadaan ito sa butas ng karayum sa mga oposisyon sa plenary. Dadaan ang nasabing panukala sa nakagawiang 1st reading hanggang 3rd ang final reading. Sa ganitong senaryo, suntuk sa buwang aabot sa Dec 6 o hanggang Dec 16 ang inaasam-asam na pagcoconvene ng Con Ass.
Makalusut man sa Tongreso sa tatlong serye ng pagBASA ang Con-Ass, hindi papayag si Sen Enrile at si Brenda Santiago (mga urong-sulong na alyado ng administrasyon) na buwagin ang Senado ng Tongreso dahil sa Cha Cha. dagdag pa, kukuwestyunin ng mga Senador ang legality at Constitutionality ng Con Ass, agad idudulug sa Supreme Court at maaring mahingan ng Temporary Restraining Order (TRO). May dalawang Linggo rin ang bisa ng nasabing TRO.
Pangatlo, ang isyu ng credibilidad. Isang dahilan kung bakit mabantot sa pang-amoy ng mamamayan ang Con Ass-hole ay dahil sa ang mga pasimuno't nagtutulak nito. Isiping mga traditional politicians (TRAPOs), Villafuerte, Nograles, Jaraula, Tainga de Venecia, Ate Glo, Pichay, Salceda, Veloso, Apostol at Gov. Erico Aumentado! Mga matatagal ng pulitiko sa panahon ni Marcos. Parang sinasabing 'gagawa ng panukalang batas hinggil sa 'peace and order' ang mga kriminal at magnanakaw, ang naatasang magbantay sa sisiw ay uwak at lawin..
Isang libong katanungan at kabaliwang isiping biglang naging progresibo't mga aktibista ang ating mga representatante, ang hirap paniwalaang ng mahigit isang libong beses na biglaang magiging born again democrats ang mga kinatawang TRAPO sa Tongreso dahil lamang sa kanilang panawagang baguhin ang sistemang pulitika at Constitutional reform.
Ang totoo, ang may kasalanan at dahilan kung bakit sumama't bumulusok sa kabulukan ang sistema ng pulitika at ang krisis ng representasyon sa bansa ay sila rin mismo, mga TRAPO. Resulta't produkto ito ng deka-dekadang 'di pantay, 'di parehas na sistema ng pulitika't election sa bansa. Sila ang mga padrino't pulitikong angkan, ang oligarkiya't casique na kumontrol ng poder at sumalaula ng ating Constitution at demokrasya.
Ito ang matagal ng isinisigaw ng mga progresibong kilusan, mga demokratiko't makabayang kilusang nasa parliamento ng lansangan at ang nakakalungkot, ang mga kilusan at aktibistang kabilang dito ang biniktima't pinapaslang, pinaratangan ng sobersibo't komunista.
Kung titignan ang background, history at track record ng mga pulitikong ito, daang milyong pisong ginagastos nito sa tuwing election, pork barrel, suriin ang political party na kinasasapian nito, plataporma't ideolohiya, antimano't walang dudang sa kangkungan pupulutin ang ating country.
Kabilang sa malalaking political clan na mga may tatlo (3) hanggang apat (4) na henerasyong humawak sa 'di mabilang na pwesto sa gubyerno ang karamihan sa kanila. Ang kanilang LOLO ng mga LOLO, LOLO't Lola, ang kanilang magulang hanggang sa kanilang mga anak at apo ay kung 'di man may hawak ng malalaking negosyo, matataas na pwesto sa burukrasya ay nasa pulitika't nahalal bilang Bokal, Mayor, Mayor-councilors, Goberndor at Tongresman. Pero, ano ang nangyari sa country, bumuti ba? Kulelat sa lahat ng larangan sa Asia, katulong, basurahan at pulubi ng mundo.
Daan-daan milyon piso ang kani-kanilang ASSETs at liabilities. Wala silang ipinagkaiba sa mga pulitiko nuong panahon bago mag WWII, ni Magsasaysay (LP at NP), bago lumitaw at maibagsak si Marcos (KBL) , sa mga pulitiko nuong panahong ksalukuyan. Parehong TRAPO, ELITISTA'T mataas ang social standing, better educated at kadalasa'y abugado/go.
Kung nuon dominado ng Casique o land-lord elite-kumprador ang may kontrol sa pulitika't kapangyarihan, ngayo'y mangilan-ngilan na lamang at halos REAL ESTATE developers, Bankero, mga stockbrokers, mga big time professionals, negosyante o mga mlalaking kontratista. Panahon pa ni Marcos (KBL, LDP, Lakas-NUCD, NPC, LP at NP) ang karamihang mga pulitiko sa Tongreso. Nasa politika pa rin magpahanggang ngayon ang mga buluk na pangalan ng mga TRAPO. Ang mamamayan na ang makapagsasabi sa track record ng mga ito sa Congress Sino ang maniniwalang seryoso ang mga ito na ireporma ang pulitika at election?
May nagawa ba sila upang iwasto ang kabulukan ng sistemang politika at electoral ng bansa? Imbis na palakasin ang partisipasyon ng mamamyn, pampulitika't demokratikong institusyon, ang Tongreso, si Ate Glo, Tainga de Venecia pa mismo ang siyang sumagka, bumastos, bumansot at sumira nito. Patuloy na nilalamutak ng Tongreso ang katatagan ng estado. Kaya't walang rason, walang dahilan upang pagkatiwalaan pa ng country ang mga TRAPO.
Sinong siraulo at tangang Pinoy ang maniniwalang “may hangad at layunin paunlarin ng TRAPO ang ekonomya ng bansa sa pamagitan ng Cha Cha? Sa loob na lamang ng siyam na taon (3 terms), may nagawa ba ang Kongreso hinggil sa patakarang “magkaroon ng industrial policy ang bansa at sawatain ang penomenom ng OFW?” Sa isyu na lamang ng Utang Panlabas, hindi nito binago't pinakialamanan, bagkus pinabayaang mahigit 30-40% ng ating kabang yaman (national budget) ang ipinangbabayad sa UTANG, mga utang na hindi napakikinbangan ng country!” Hindi nito pinangarap na ipa-cancela o i-write-off ang gadambuhlang utang sa IMF-WB. Mga utang na kinurakot at hindi man lang napakinabangan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Ano ang nagawa ng TRAPO upang mabawasan man lang ang pangungurakot sa gubyerno na tayo na ang lumalabas na Validictorian sa Asia? Ang tanging inasikaso ng mga TRAPO, pinagkaabalahan ay pork barrel, TONG at pangungurakot, panay pansarili, vested interest lamang.
Ano ang napala ng mamamayang Pilipino sa mgaTRAPONG ito sa Tongreso, kawalan ng hanapbuhay, basura, mataas na presyo ng bilihin, taas ng singil sa kuryente at tubig, kakapusan ng basic services tulad ng paaralan at edukasyon, pabahay at kalusugan at ang pinakamalupit at tindi, ang pagyurak ng karapatan at kalayaan ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Pang-apat, isang iligal at imoralidad ang Con Ass. “Nilalamutak, ginagahasa't nire-rail road ng mga TRAPO ang Constitution at Demokrasya. Ayon sa Constitution, ang kahulugan at ibig sabihin ng Congress ay two houses, meaning may Lower at Senate o Upper Houses functioning seperately. May ¾ vote from the House at Senate. Magkakaroon lamang ng Joint session ng Lower at Senate kung mayroon lamang panganib na magkakaGERA o magdedeklara ng Batas Militar ang bansa.
Ang Constitution ay isang sagradong pundasyon ng isang gubyerno. Ito ang gabay o patnubay na tinatahak ng isang bansa. Ito ang garantiya kung saan ang karapatan at relasyon ng mamamayan ay palalakasin at irerespeto. May prosesong sinusunod ang ating Constitution, kung gusto natin itong palitan isa na ang Constitutional Convention (Con Con) kung saan pinipili't hinahalal sa pamamagitan ng eleksyon ang mga taong uugit ng ating Constitution.
Panglima, Isang malaking panlilinlang at panloloko ang Con Ass at Cha Cha. Political survival at kasakiman sa kapangyarihang manatili hanggang 2010 si Ate Glo at mga TRAPO sa Tongreso. Layunin nitong burahin sa kasaysayan ang krimen at panunupil na kinasangkutan nito, pambubugaw sa ating mga kababayan sa mga dayuhan, 'hello garci tape contraversy," bilyong pangungurakot at katiwalian sa gubyerno at tugisin, tiris-tirisin ang oposisyon at kaaway sa pulitika.
Hindi na bago ang modus operandi ng administrasyong GMA. Ang plebisito at interim parliament (with Cabinet members) na inilalako ng Con Ass, walang gubyerno ang natatalo sa plebisito. Sa panahon ni Marcos at sa iba pang mga bansa, dinadaya't minamanipula ng gubyerno ang mga plebisito. Isang rubber stamp-puppet na kahalintulad ng Batasang Pambansang (unicameral) kontrol ng partidong KBL ng diktadurang Marcos ang pinopropose na "Interim parliament" ni Tainga de Venecia, Tandang Villafuerte, ni Pechay, ng Malakanyang at ni Ate Glo.
Kaya't sa kangkungan pupulutin ang “final Push,” sa bangin ng kumunoy ng kasaysayan ang Cha Cha ni Ate Glo, Tainga de Venecia, mga barkada't mga goons nito sa Lakas-CMD, NPC at KAMPI.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Dec. 2, 2006
Thursday, November 30, 2006
"The Importance of the Spratly Islands"
28 November 2006
he Spratly Islands, located at the southern end of the South China Sea, remain crucial to the region's geostrategic setting. In late October and early November this year, Beijing and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (A.S.E.A.N.) tried to re-launch friendly talks related to the territorial disputes of the islands. They discussed broad Southeast Asian security issues and opened the way for possibly fruitful, structured diplomatic dialogue. The context, however, remains extremely complicated.
Claimed in their entirety by China, Taiwan and Vietnam, and partially by the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei, the contested isles and reefs are a potential catalyst for major inter-state conflict in the coming years. In fact, all traditional geopolitical issues are at work in the Spratlys controversy: sovereignty, control of the vital hydrocarbons, control of the Sea Lines of Communication (S.L.O.C.s), and the capability to project power and influence across a broad region.
At a time when China is emerging as a political and military -- and not only economic -- power, whose strategic reach expands and involves new maritime ambitions, the South China Sea issue poses a huge challenge to Washington and its Asian allies. Beijing is adopting a complex policy, predicated upon diplomatic openness to enhanced cooperation with A.S.E.A.N. and, at the same time, upon a self-confident, assertive stance on the South China Sea.
Washington believes that Beijing's real goal is to reach strategic dominance over the South China Sea, which could make China the hegemonic power in Southeast Asia and multiply its influence on the global stage.
Energy, Trade and Power
Recent media coverage on the Spratlys issue has typically concentrated on the quest for fossil energy resources since natural gas and oil play an increasingly important role in power politics. The reasons for sovereignty claims on the archipelago, however, are in no way limited to the hydrocarbons extraction issue alone. Control of the S.L.O.C.s, with its effect on energy transport and strategic military advantage, is at least as important as the much wanted oil and gas reserves.
In Asian maritime geopolitics, the South China Sea functions as a vital gateway that links the Gulf's oil to East Asia via the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Although during the recent decades of the Cold War the sometimes aggressive Chinese policy toward Southeast Asian states was tolerated by Washington because of China's role as a counterweight to the U.S.S.R., after 1991 this state of affairs changed.
Certain figures display the importance of the Spratly Islands as a transport route: the South China Sea is the world's second busiest international sea lane and conveys roughly one-fourth of the globe's crude oil and oil products.
Tokyo's tankers carry around 70 percent of Japan's oil on these sea lanes, while 90 percent of the oil needed by Washington's northeast Asian allies reaches its destination through the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. Liquefied natural gas, coal, and iron ore are conveyed through the above mentioned route. The waters are also the site of a massive fishing industry. A country that would have the capability to interrupt the free navigation of the sea lines would pose a significant threat to the other powers' energy security.
As for hydrocarbons in the Spratlys, the exact amount of available resources is not easy to determine, since China's analyses are significantly different and more optimistic than U.S. and European ones. A September 2003 brief issued by the U.S. Department of Energy suggests that oil production levels for the Spratly Islands would not exceed 183,000 barrels per day, while Chinese estimates claim that a level of 1.9 million barrels per day could be attained. According to other Chinese reports, the Spratly Islands should have around 225 billion barrels of hydrocarbons -- 70 percent of which would be natural gas. No Western analysis, however, confirms such data at the moment.
Regardless, it is without a doubt that further exploration of the Spratly Islands is considered to be a major stake by all regional claimants and that control over hydrocarbons will remain a crucial goal for all powers involved.
Multilateralism and its Interpretations
One of the most interesting developments in the Spratly Islands debate is undoubtedly the different use and perception of multilateralism. As a matter of fact, all players are calling for multilateral engagement and cooperation to prevent the conflicting interests from leading to a clash. On October 29, before the start of the China-A.S.E.A.N. meeting in Nanning, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo said that "regional security issues, aside from trade," would take center stage in A.S.E.A.N.'s political-strategic dialogue with China.
Mentioning the Spratlys, Arroyo added that "instead of concentrating on conflicting claims," regional powers should "concentrate on what we can do together." Speaking at the Nanchang University the same day, she launched the proposal of a "joint exploration of the Spratly Islands," and expressed the view that the current "code of conduct" on the contested territories is "very weak."
For Manila, just like for Hanoi and Kuala Lumpur, multilateralism and a regional security approach is the best possible strategy to contain China's rising military power. Since Beijing is aiming at enhancing its deep blue navy, other regional players (among which Taiwan is the one that fears Beijing the most) wager on continued U.S. involvement in the region and A.S.E.A.N.'s enhancement.
On the contrary, China's approach to A.S.E.A.N. and regional multilateralism appears that of a rising hegemonic power. Beijing's interests lie in avoiding major confrontations and, above all, direct confrontation with Washington in order to continue its relatively flawless pursuit of power. China's openness to strategic dialogue with A.S.E.A.N. has the goal of lowering the risk of military conflict while gaining time to calmly, but steadily, develop its new military power.
In other words, China's waiting game is consistent with hegemonic ambitions, but it uses the tactics of progressively achieving strategic dominance and thus enhancing its negotiating capability and effectiveness. [See: "China's Geostrategy: Playing a Waiting Game"]
Multilateralism could enable Washington to remain a decisive player in the Southeast Asian theater while avoiding the perils of automatic defense engagement via bilateral agreements. The United States, however, will consistently work to prevent China's domination of the South China Sea and Beijing's potential capability to choke freedom of navigation.
As expected, when U.S. President George W. Bush met with A.S.E.A.N. leaders in Hanoi this month, he insisted -- consistently with the American tradition -- on the importance of free trade and economic liberty in Southeast Asia.
Conclusion
Clearly, China's persisting claim to sovereignty over most of the South China Sea, coupled with Beijing's ambitious military improvement, will hardly be seen as reassuring by A.S.E.A.N. members and by Washington. On the other hand, the Sino-U.S. competition is not deterministically bound to lead to a showdown in the region, as it could instead end up in a new balance of power in which regional multilateral agreements may help Washington and Beijing solve or freeze the Spratlys issue and similar controversies.
A.S.E.A.N.'s role in the future of diplomatic attempts to resolve the Spratly Islands question appears to be increasing. The organization, however, will probably function as a tool in the hands of the great powers rather than as an autonomous power center.
China's rise as Southeast Asia's main regional power will continue in the coming years. Since Washington needs to protect U.S. vital interests, such as the liberty of navigation and regional stability, the United States will likely be called to a new and comprehensive engagement policy toward Beijing, which can be implemented if the reality of a new multipolar power configuration in Asia is acknowledged.
Report Drafted By:
Dr. Federico Bordonaro
The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an independent organization that utilizes open source intelligence to provide conflict analysis services in the context of international relations. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the written permission of enquiries@pinr.com. All comments should be directed to content@pinr.com.
Tuesday, November 28, 2006
Popularazing JPEPA issue ect, ect...
Mas madaling unawain ang JPEPA kung mailalarawan natin sa ganitong (analogy) sitwasyon. May dalawang magkapit-bahay, may dalawang (2) bakuran. Nakatayo sa isang bakuran ang isang bahay na "bahay kubo" at ang isang bakuran ay naglalaman ng isang bahay na malaki, bungalow, mala-palasyo.
Ikaw ang nakatira sa isang bahay Kubo. Ngayon, papayag ka bang pagtapunan ng mga toxic waste, basurang ala-Payatas (umaalingasaw sa baho) ang iyong bakuran (likuran ng bahay mo) na manggagaling sa isang kapitbahay mo na malaki, bungalow na ang magiging kapalit ay iyong dalagitang anak na aalilain, gagawing katulong, gagawing aliping sagigilid at malamang sa hindi, gagahasain?
Sinong siraulo, gagong magulang, sinong taran... nilalang sa planetang ito, sa galaxyng ito ang tangang papayag na ibugaw, ibebenta ang sariling dalagang anak na babae, kapalit ang DOLYAR, paninilbihan at NAKAKALASONG basura?
Anong bansa, sinong head of state ang gago, ang baliw, ang nasisiraan ng bait na sasang-ayon sa ganitong karumaldumal, 'di pantay na kondisyones na tratado sa pagitan ng mga Sakang na Hapon, ang super kontrabersyal na JPEPA?
- doy / ipd
Nov 29, '06
Ikaw ang nakatira sa isang bahay Kubo. Ngayon, papayag ka bang pagtapunan ng mga toxic waste, basurang ala-Payatas (umaalingasaw sa baho) ang iyong bakuran (likuran ng bahay mo) na manggagaling sa isang kapitbahay mo na malaki, bungalow na ang magiging kapalit ay iyong dalagitang anak na aalilain, gagawing katulong, gagawing aliping sagigilid at malamang sa hindi, gagahasain?
Sinong siraulo, gagong magulang, sinong taran... nilalang sa planetang ito, sa galaxyng ito ang tangang papayag na ibugaw, ibebenta ang sariling dalagang anak na babae, kapalit ang DOLYAR, paninilbihan at NAKAKALASONG basura?
Anong bansa, sinong head of state ang gago, ang baliw, ang nasisiraan ng bait na sasang-ayon sa ganitong karumaldumal, 'di pantay na kondisyones na tratado sa pagitan ng mga Sakang na Hapon, ang super kontrabersyal na JPEPA?
- doy / ipd
Nov 29, '06
Monday, November 27, 2006
''Russia-China Security Cooperation''
27 November 2006
ussia and China have joined together in a strategic partnership aimed at countering the U.S. and Western "monopoly in world affairs," as was made clear in a joint statement released by the Chinese and Russian presidents in July 2005. The long standing border disputes between the two countries were settled in agreements in 2005, and joint military exercises were carried out in the same year. Furthermore, Russia, in addition to its arms exports, has been increasing its oil and gas commitments to China. Clearly, the recent comprehensive improvement of bilateral relations between China and Russia is a remarkable development. What is the meaning of this military and security related cooperation, and is the Sino-Russian military liaison likely to expand? Should this rapprochement be considered as a structural shift of power with the goal of repelling Western influence from Central Asia and the adjacent areas?
Russian-Chinese Military Maneuvers
In August 2005, for the first time in 40 years, Russian and Chinese armed forces carried out joint military exercises. China took the lead in proposing the size, participating type of forces and content of the maneuvers. Allegedly, China also took care of most of the costs of the exercises. The formal objectives of the mission were to strengthen the capability of joint operations and the exchange of experience; to establish methods of organizing cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, separatism and extremism; and to enhance mutual combat readiness against newly developing threats. [See: "The Significance of Sino-Russian Military Exercises"]
The exercises comprised "ingredients" such as the use of strategic long range bombers, neutralization of anti-aircraft defenses, command posts and airbases, gaining air superiority, enforcing a maritime blockade and the control of maritime territory. Terrorist movements, however, do not posses conventional land, sea or air forces, nor do they deploy their military power in a symmetrical way. Therefore, the objectives of the joint exercises had little to do with combating terrorism; instead, they were aimed at conventional warfare, employing all military services except for nuclear forces. The actual objective of the maneuvers was likely to display to the Western world that Russia and China consider themselves to be in control of the Asia-Pacific region and that outside powers will be denied the right to interfere in their sphere of influence.
From a military-operational point of view, Russia as well as China gained from the experience of the bilateral exercises. The Chinese armed forces are -- as a consequence of China's increasing political and economic power -- in a stage of growth, in size as well as in ambition. Therefore, practicing command and control procedures but also purely operational aspects, such as carrying out an airborne assault, will strengthen the capabilities of the Chinese forces. If Russia considers that China might turn into a threat in the long run, then these exercises have also been worthwhile for the Russian general staff by providing it insight into how the Chinese armed forces operate and what their current capabilities are.
Arms Sales
The demonstration of weapon systems at the 2005 Sino-Russian exercises might have been meant to promote Russian arms sales to observers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (S.C.O.). India, for instance, comprises some 40 percent of Russia's arms exports and Iran is considered to be an important growth market for the Russian arms market. Currently, some 45 percent of Russia's arms exports go to China. Since 2000, Russia has delivered weapon systems to China -- including fighter aircraft, submarines and destroyers -- amounting to an average of US$2 billion annually. China has been the largest consumer of Russian military equipment for a number of years. Russia's arms trade to China is an important factor in the cooperation between the two countries.
Nevertheless, Russia seems to be well aware that China would like to obtain its most sophisticated military technology, which, in case of deteriorating relations, Beijing might use against Russia. For that reason, Russia is reluctant to provide China with its state-of-the-art products. Moreover, there are indications that China is steadily acquiring enough knowledge to have a solid military industry of its own. Subsequently, in the coming years China will buy fewer arms from Russia, which will diminish the value of this cornerstone of their bilateral relationship.
Energy Policy
In August 2005, during a visit to Beijing, Russian President Vladimir Putin stressed economic ties and especially the work of Russian energy companies in China, bilateral projects that would distribute those supplies to third countries, as well as the delivery of Russian oil and gas to China. Furthermore, in November 2005 Russia and China agreed to double oil exports to China and to consider constructing an oil pipeline from Russia to China and a gas-transmission project from eastern Siberia to China's Far East.
China, however, also focuses on Kazakhstan in its need for energy. In December 2005, the Atasu-Alashankou pipeline between the two countries was opened. In due course, this Sino-Kazakh pipeline will be enlarged from 1,000 to 3,000 kilometers (621 to 1,864 miles) and will eventually provide China with approximately 15 percent of its crude oil needs. By establishing energy ties with Kazakhstan, it is clear that China wants to avoid energy dependency on Russia.
Another argument is that by redirecting Kazakh oil pipelines through China instead of through Russia, China's influence over Kazakhstan and Central Asia will increase at the expense of Russia's position. Thus, Russia's energy power tool -- as used successfully against Ukraine -- seems to be threatened by China's energy strategy. Although cooperating with China in energy, however, Kazakhstan has a considerable Russian minority and therefore will be unlikely to follow an anti-Russian political course.
The Demographics Factor
In December 2005, Russia's interior minister, Rashid Nurgaliev, stated that illegal immigration is creating a threat to national security in the Russian Far East. Although Nurgaliev did not mention the word "Chinese," and in spite of frequent formal statements contradicting such a development, a continuous influx of illegal Chinese immigrants is taking place in this region. Russia has a long border with China, some 4,300 kilometers (2,672 miles), and is sparsely populated in its Far East. The numbers may vary but sources mention a flood of thousands of Chinese entering Russia, up to allegedly 600,000 per year.
It is not inconceivable that this flood is more than a coincidence; in fact, it might well be a planned policy directed from Beijing. Possibly, China is carrying out a policy of "Finlandization" in order to gradually increase its influence over this Russian region. The reasons for such a population policy might be to create an overflow area for Chinese citizens from densely populated areas in China proper, and also to gain a political and/or economic foothold in this area, which is rich in energy resources.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
The Russian-Chinese military exercises of 2005 should not only be considered from a Sino-Russian bilateral point of view, but also as an activity of the S.C.O., as was frequently stated by Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov. Not only did the Russian and Chinese ministers of defense observe the maneuvers, but also present were representatives from the S.C.O.
Formed in 1996 as the "Shanghai Five" -- comprising Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan -- in 2001, together with admitting Uzbekistan, the S.C.O. was formalized as an international organization. Until 2005, the S.C.O. mainly dealt with regional security -- in particular against the three "evils" of terrorism, separatism and extremism -- as well as with economic cooperation. However, at its summit of July 2005 in Astana, the S.C.O. proclaimed a radical change of course. The governments of the Central Asian member states -- faced with the Western-supported regime changes in Ukraine and Georgia, as well as with Western criticism of the Uzbek government's repression of the unrest in Andijan -- increasingly saw their existence threatened, which forced them to choose an alliance with Russia and China and diminishing the (economically favorable) relationship with the West. [See: "Intelligence Brief: Russia in the S.C.O."]
At the summit, this led to a final statement of the S.C.O. members in which Washington's unipolar and dominating policies as well as foreign military deployment in Central Asia were condemned and the withdrawal of Western military troops was encouraged. This Declaration of the Heads of Member States revealed a watershed in the S.C.O.'s range of policy from regional anti-terrorist activities to claiming an important position in the international arena in external security policy.
In addition to the S.C.O.'s change of course, there was another significant development at the 2005 summit. In addition to Mongolia, in July 2005 Iran, Pakistan and India joined the S.C.O. as observers. By admitting these three states as observers, the S.C.O. now encompasses nearly half of the world's population. Furthermore, in addition to Russia and China, India and Pakistan bring together four nuclear powers, whereas Iran possibly has the ambition to become one. In addition to this, the S.C.O. Shanghai summit of June 2006 -- which was dominated by energy deals, especially by China -- demonstrated that energy resources (Russia, Kazakhstan and Iran) are also a crucial focal point for its members and observers. Comprising a considerable territory in and around Central Asia, a large part of the world population, energy resources and nuclear arms, the S.C.O. has a formidable political, economic and military potential.
For Russia, the S.C.O. apparently acts as a means to bring together different policy objectives. Not only China, but India and Iran as well have a special relationship with Russia. All three states are important actors in Russia's arms exports. In addition to this, China and India are gaining a closer relationship with Russia in the field of joint, bilateral military exercises. Therefore, the fact that India and Iran recently joined China in its cooperation with Russia within the S.C.O. could prove that the S.C.O. serves as a platform for Russia's security policy.
It is evident that the S.C.O. is gaining power, in particular since the Astana summit of 2005. It is likely that this development of the S.C.O. will continue in the coming years. Russia will use this organization to reduce Western and U.S. influence in Central Asia which was accomplished in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. In such a way, the S.C.O. will represent to Russia a vital instrument to achieve geopolitical objectives.
In envisaging the future position of the S.C.O., it is important to note that cooperation among its members and observers is essentially based upon a negative strategic objective: to counter U.S. and Western influence. To a large extent, common, positive targets are absent. For example, China is seeking markets and energy resources; Russia is eager to regain its leadership status within the C.I.S. as well as that of a superpower in the international arena; and the Central Asian regimes consider the S.C.O. as their guarantee for political survival.
Moreover, India and Pakistan are probably showing the West that they follow their own independent course and Iran's objective might be found in anti-Americanism. This mixture of possibly divergent objectives -- for instance, Iran's support of radical Islamists which are a threat to the Central Asian states -- demonstrates that they do not necessarily have much in common. It is not inconceivable, therefore, that the eventually deviating objectives of the S.C.O. member states and observers will cause a split in the organization, which would paralyze its activities.
Outlook on Russia-China Relations
In the coming years, Russia is likely to strengthen its ties with China. These two states are seeking a closer relationship not only in the field of security, but also in areas such as military cooperation, energy, the arms trade and foreign policy. Russia has more than once stated that closer relations with China is a geopolitical objective in order to strengthen Russia's global position. Nonetheless, this close relationship with China could very well turn out to be for the short term.
In its Far East, Russia is increasingly confronted with illegal immigration from China. Furthermore, Russia possesses energy resources that China desperately needs. China is "using" Russia for its military technology and energy resources. When China reaches its current drive for independence in military technology and will have created alternative ways of gaining energy -- for instance through Kazakhstan -- China may reduce ties with Russia. Moreover, China will continue to use its neighbors, such as Russia, the Central Asian states and other partners within the S.C.O., to strengthen its global position. If so required, China will not hesitate to use its power against one of its former partners, as is demonstrated by China's efforts to divert energy routes away from Russia.
Russia is well aware that China's growing economic and military importance could develop into a threat. An indication of Russia's concern toward China could be in Moscow's alleged creation of a second joint military grouping of defense forces and internal and security troops. In contrast with the areas of Chechnya and Dagestan, in Russia's Far East there is no threat of Islamic extremism and the formation of a joint military command could only be related to a potential threat from China. In due course, the so far hidden fear of China could cause Russia to draw back from China and to seek an intensification of political and economic ties with the West, even if this abandonment from China would mean that Russia has to accept Western influence in its backyard of the former Soviet Union.
The West will probably have to cope with increasing ties between Russia and China and subsequent policies contrary to Western activities in the Far East and the Pacific. To a certain extent, the West itself is the reason for this rapprochement between Russia and China. All current Russian major security documents clearly demonstrate disappointment in the West for leaving Russia out of Western security policy. The climax of this mistrust has been N.A.T.O.'s war in Kosovo. Although Russian-Western relations since then have improved, the feelings of mistrust and disregard are still evident in parts of Russia's security elite and thus have resulted in closer ties with China.
China's emerging economic and military power will have to be taken into account. China will become a regional and possibly global power with capacities and policies that may counter Western influence not only in the Far East, but elsewhere. Western security policy should be aware of this development. If China indeed achieves such a superpower position, the West and Russia may find common ground to seek closer cooperation.
Report Drafted By:
Dr. Marcel de Haas
The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an independent organization that utilizes open source intelligence to provide conflict analysis services in the context of international relations. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the written permission of enquiries@pinr.com. All comments should be directed to content@pinr.com.
Drinking Water projects, imbis na ambisyosong "super regions blueprint plan"
Kung 'di ba naman puro kabobohan at puro pangungurakot ang alam na gawain ng mga taga-Malakanyang, isipin ba namang ni SINGKONG DULING ay wala palang inilaang pondo para sa mga proyektong MAIINUM na TUBIG ng ating mga kababayan!! Ipinagyabang pa ang KATANGAHAN sa isang power point presentation (SONA) ng mga "mega regions/projects! Nasaan ang ipinagmamalaki nitong mga bode-bodegang diploma't certificates......ect, ect,ect.....?
Kaya't tatlong (3x) bagsak sa IPD, FDC, Cong Rene Magtubo, Cong Mayong Aguja, Sen Ralph Recto at sa marami pang kilusang masang kakarga ng isyung ito! - doy/ipd
November 28, 006 07:47 PM Tuesday
Water crisis!
http://www.journal.com.ph/index.php?issue=2006-11-28&sec=4&aid=2957
LONG queues for water, like what is being seen in some areas in Metro Manila, could be a common sight years from now unless the government rectifies its error of neglecting water projects in its ambitious “super regions” plan.
Sen. Ralph Recto yesterday stressed this as he lamented that the government’s P369.2 billion infrastructure blueprint does not “allot a single centavo for projects that would produce a single drop of drinking water.”
”There is a drought of funds for water projects in that blueprint. Water, which is a basic need for human survival, should be high on the list but the fact is , potable water projects simply evaporated from that list,” Recto said.
By project, the super regions plan earmarks P90.2 billion for roads, P51.8 billion for airports, P15.8 billion for seaports, P12.6 for irrigation, P5 billion for bridges, P180.1 billion for rail, and P13.5 billion for “other projects” which include IT (information technology) activities and the MWSS (Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System) pumping station in southern Metro Manila.
Recto urged Malacañang to correct the oversight as the country – already the second lowest in terms of per capita water availability in Southeast Asia – faces a serious water crisis when the population hits 100 million in seven years and 153 million in 23 years.
But even today, there are many places already reeling from lack of water , “a development that bodes dire political consequences, “ he said.
”Lack of water dissolves people’s trust in the government. If it is feared that the next world war will be fought over water, the next people power here can be about water too, “ he said.
Citing a Japanese government–funded study, Recto said that by 2025, water demand in Metro Manila, Metro Cebu, Davao, Baguio, Angeles, Bacolod, Iloilo, Cagayan de Oro and Davao would have tripled to 3,995 million metric cubic meters per year from the 1995 demand of 1,303 million cubic meters , far outstripping groundwater availability of 759 million cubic meters.
At present , for lack of access to clean drinking, 500,000 Filipinos are downed yearly by diarrhea , cholera, typhoid and other water-borne diseases, “which account for three in every 10 illnesses,“ Recto said. This is not surprising as “58 percent of groundwater sampled is contaminated with coliform and needs treatment,” Recto said, quoting a 2003 World Bank study.
”That same study pegs at P3 billion a year the medical expenses, hospitalization costs and income losses caused by drinking dirty water,” Recto said. He said the plan of the MWSS to build a P5.6 billion pumping station and storage to service Las Pinas, Muntinlupa, Paranaque – which is included in the super regions’ wish list – “while a good one falls under the water distribution aspect.”
He said that experts are one in saying that the government should tap a new water source for Metro Manila and should not be solely relying on Angat. He was referring to the Bulacan dam which captures water runoff from the Sierra Madre and brings this through an underground tunnel to La Mesa Dam.
Kaya't tatlong (3x) bagsak sa IPD, FDC, Cong Rene Magtubo, Cong Mayong Aguja, Sen Ralph Recto at sa marami pang kilusang masang kakarga ng isyung ito! - doy/ipd
November 28, 006 07:47 PM Tuesday
Water crisis!
http://www.journal.com.ph/index.php?issue=2006-11-28&sec=4&aid=2957
LONG queues for water, like what is being seen in some areas in Metro Manila, could be a common sight years from now unless the government rectifies its error of neglecting water projects in its ambitious “super regions” plan.
Sen. Ralph Recto yesterday stressed this as he lamented that the government’s P369.2 billion infrastructure blueprint does not “allot a single centavo for projects that would produce a single drop of drinking water.”
”There is a drought of funds for water projects in that blueprint. Water, which is a basic need for human survival, should be high on the list but the fact is , potable water projects simply evaporated from that list,” Recto said.
By project, the super regions plan earmarks P90.2 billion for roads, P51.8 billion for airports, P15.8 billion for seaports, P12.6 for irrigation, P5 billion for bridges, P180.1 billion for rail, and P13.5 billion for “other projects” which include IT (information technology) activities and the MWSS (Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System) pumping station in southern Metro Manila.
Recto urged Malacañang to correct the oversight as the country – already the second lowest in terms of per capita water availability in Southeast Asia – faces a serious water crisis when the population hits 100 million in seven years and 153 million in 23 years.
But even today, there are many places already reeling from lack of water , “a development that bodes dire political consequences, “ he said.
”Lack of water dissolves people’s trust in the government. If it is feared that the next world war will be fought over water, the next people power here can be about water too, “ he said.
Citing a Japanese government–funded study, Recto said that by 2025, water demand in Metro Manila, Metro Cebu, Davao, Baguio, Angeles, Bacolod, Iloilo, Cagayan de Oro and Davao would have tripled to 3,995 million metric cubic meters per year from the 1995 demand of 1,303 million cubic meters , far outstripping groundwater availability of 759 million cubic meters.
At present , for lack of access to clean drinking, 500,000 Filipinos are downed yearly by diarrhea , cholera, typhoid and other water-borne diseases, “which account for three in every 10 illnesses,“ Recto said. This is not surprising as “58 percent of groundwater sampled is contaminated with coliform and needs treatment,” Recto said, quoting a 2003 World Bank study.
”That same study pegs at P3 billion a year the medical expenses, hospitalization costs and income losses caused by drinking dirty water,” Recto said. He said the plan of the MWSS to build a P5.6 billion pumping station and storage to service Las Pinas, Muntinlupa, Paranaque – which is included in the super regions’ wish list – “while a good one falls under the water distribution aspect.”
He said that experts are one in saying that the government should tap a new water source for Metro Manila and should not be solely relying on Angat. He was referring to the Bulacan dam which captures water runoff from the Sierra Madre and brings this through an underground tunnel to La Mesa Dam.
‘Breastfeeding saves P1.38B’
R.P. EARNS PRAISE FOR TOUGH INFANT FORMULA CODE GUIDELINES
http://www.businessmirror.com.ph/sfp01.php
By Cher Jimenez
Reporter
AFTER warnings of possible strained relations with foreign investors in the local milk and other sectors like pharmaceuticals because of the implementation of revised rules for the 1986 Milk Code, Manila is now receiving expressions of support from international bodies, saying that regulating infant formula is economically advantageous to the Philippines.
In a letter to President Arroyo dated October 31, World Health Organization (WHO) representative Dr. Jean Marc Olivè said promoting the culture of breastfeeding will actually reduce poverty and bring the country closer to achieving No. 4 of the Millennium Development Goal—reducing infant mortality.
Olivè indicated that an increase in the breastfeeding rate is likely to cut by about P100 million the expenses incurred by Filipina mothers to fight children’s diseases attributed to infant- formula consumption, P280 million from hospitalization, and P1 billion due to absenteeism in the workplace by employed nursing mothers.
The WHO estimates that Filipino families spend P21.5 billion a year for infant formula. This expense would also be minimized for nursing mothers.
According to him, increasing the country’s breastfeeding rate to 80 percent in the next 10 years will bring it 61 percent closer to reducing infant mortality by two-thirds by the year 2015, and achieving one of the government’s 10-point agenda.
It is estimated that at least 16,000 children under five years of age who died last year in the United States could have been saved if only they were breastfed. The WHO and the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef) attribute most of the deaths to milk substitutes.
The WHO’s letter to President Arroyo came in the wake of protests from breastfeeding advocates over the US Chamber of Commerce’s alleged pressure on Malacañang not to implement the 1986 Milk Code.
In a letter to the President in August 11, the US business federation, through its president Thomas Donohue, said pushing forth with the revised implementing rules and regulations of the law would “have unintended negative consequences for investors’ confidence in the predictability of business law in the Philippines.”
“In particular, we are concerned about the effects this decision will have on the pharmaceutical industry,” added Donohue.
Earlier, the Pharmaceutical and Healthcare Association of the Philippines (PHAP) filed a petition to stop the government from implementing the new rules, which seeks to regulate the marketing of milk substitutes in all forms of media. The Supreme Court rejected the petition but accepted a petition for reconsideration in the middle of August. Breastfeeding advocates saw this as a reversal that was influenced by the alleged pressure from the American business federation.
The issue has also prompted foreign breastfeeding advocates to condemn alleged US intrusion in Philippine policymaking and challenge their local counterparts to sue and boycott milk companies. They contend that the aggressive marketing of infant formula has continued to defeat breastfeeding in the Philippines and cause many children to die of diarrhea and related illnesses attributed to cow’s milk.
Government data showed the average duration of exclusive breastfeeding in the country has gone down to 24 days in 2003 from 1.4 months in 1998. The international standard recommendation is six months exclusive breastfeeding that can afterward be combined with other foods until two years.
The PHAP in a statement affirmed its position that infant mortality in the Philippines is not related to the use of infant formula on newborn babies. It noted the Department of Health’s Philippine Health Statistics showing the top 10 causes of infant mortality are not in any way associated with infant formula use.
The DOH statistics show that pneumonia and bacterial sepsis are the top two reasons for infant mortality in the country. Other causes are respiratory distress of newborns, disorders related to short gestation, and congenital malformations.
The association also cited a survey published by Unicef that the Philippines is among the highest breastfeeding nations with 88-percent initiation rate. It’s also the second-highest exclusive breastfeeding society at four months with 47 percent. The rest, according to PHAP, may be composed of mothers who cannot breastfeed, choose not to follow to exclusively breastfeed for six months, or stop breastfeeding for some reason or another.
PHAP is currently awaiting the Supreme Court’s decision on the validity and legality of the revised implementing rules and regulations of Executive Order 51, or Milk Code and insisted the issue is not about milk or breastfeeding, but the legality of the new rules, “which is best left to the Supreme Court’s decision.”
http://www.businessmirror.com.ph/sfp01.php
By Cher Jimenez
Reporter
AFTER warnings of possible strained relations with foreign investors in the local milk and other sectors like pharmaceuticals because of the implementation of revised rules for the 1986 Milk Code, Manila is now receiving expressions of support from international bodies, saying that regulating infant formula is economically advantageous to the Philippines.
In a letter to President Arroyo dated October 31, World Health Organization (WHO) representative Dr. Jean Marc Olivè said promoting the culture of breastfeeding will actually reduce poverty and bring the country closer to achieving No. 4 of the Millennium Development Goal—reducing infant mortality.
Olivè indicated that an increase in the breastfeeding rate is likely to cut by about P100 million the expenses incurred by Filipina mothers to fight children’s diseases attributed to infant- formula consumption, P280 million from hospitalization, and P1 billion due to absenteeism in the workplace by employed nursing mothers.
The WHO estimates that Filipino families spend P21.5 billion a year for infant formula. This expense would also be minimized for nursing mothers.
According to him, increasing the country’s breastfeeding rate to 80 percent in the next 10 years will bring it 61 percent closer to reducing infant mortality by two-thirds by the year 2015, and achieving one of the government’s 10-point agenda.
It is estimated that at least 16,000 children under five years of age who died last year in the United States could have been saved if only they were breastfed. The WHO and the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef) attribute most of the deaths to milk substitutes.
The WHO’s letter to President Arroyo came in the wake of protests from breastfeeding advocates over the US Chamber of Commerce’s alleged pressure on Malacañang not to implement the 1986 Milk Code.
In a letter to the President in August 11, the US business federation, through its president Thomas Donohue, said pushing forth with the revised implementing rules and regulations of the law would “have unintended negative consequences for investors’ confidence in the predictability of business law in the Philippines.”
“In particular, we are concerned about the effects this decision will have on the pharmaceutical industry,” added Donohue.
Earlier, the Pharmaceutical and Healthcare Association of the Philippines (PHAP) filed a petition to stop the government from implementing the new rules, which seeks to regulate the marketing of milk substitutes in all forms of media. The Supreme Court rejected the petition but accepted a petition for reconsideration in the middle of August. Breastfeeding advocates saw this as a reversal that was influenced by the alleged pressure from the American business federation.
The issue has also prompted foreign breastfeeding advocates to condemn alleged US intrusion in Philippine policymaking and challenge their local counterparts to sue and boycott milk companies. They contend that the aggressive marketing of infant formula has continued to defeat breastfeeding in the Philippines and cause many children to die of diarrhea and related illnesses attributed to cow’s milk.
Government data showed the average duration of exclusive breastfeeding in the country has gone down to 24 days in 2003 from 1.4 months in 1998. The international standard recommendation is six months exclusive breastfeeding that can afterward be combined with other foods until two years.
The PHAP in a statement affirmed its position that infant mortality in the Philippines is not related to the use of infant formula on newborn babies. It noted the Department of Health’s Philippine Health Statistics showing the top 10 causes of infant mortality are not in any way associated with infant formula use.
The DOH statistics show that pneumonia and bacterial sepsis are the top two reasons for infant mortality in the country. Other causes are respiratory distress of newborns, disorders related to short gestation, and congenital malformations.
The association also cited a survey published by Unicef that the Philippines is among the highest breastfeeding nations with 88-percent initiation rate. It’s also the second-highest exclusive breastfeeding society at four months with 47 percent. The rest, according to PHAP, may be composed of mothers who cannot breastfeed, choose not to follow to exclusively breastfeed for six months, or stop breastfeeding for some reason or another.
PHAP is currently awaiting the Supreme Court’s decision on the validity and legality of the revised implementing rules and regulations of Executive Order 51, or Milk Code and insisted the issue is not about milk or breastfeeding, but the legality of the new rules, “which is best left to the Supreme Court’s decision.”
Friday, November 24, 2006
Nakakatawa at nakakahiyang senaryo sa 2007 election
Pulit-ulit nating sinasabing hindi na mapipigilan ang election sa 2007. Maliban sa nakagawiang takbo ng pulitika, hindi malayong mangyaring mauwi sa SHOWBIZ entertainment lingo ang 2007 election. Maliban sa boksingerong si Pacquiao, dudumugin, idodomina at katakot-takot na endorsement ng mga sikat na showbiz entertainment industry ang labanan at kampanyahan sa 2007 election (opposition at administration ticket), iba pang usapin kung ito'y talo panalo.
Inaasahan ding makikisawsaw sa labanan ang mga retiradong matataas na puno ng AFP, PNP at ilang mga recycled na pulitikong gustong bumalik sa pulitika.
Dahil sa mga lumalabas na electoral SURVEY, kapraningan, tarantitay, desperado at kahibangang, mas vulnerable na patakbuhin ng administrasyon (Lakas-CMD at KAMPI) ang mga artista, 'wag lamang mapahiya't ma-zero sa inaasam-asam na magic 12 sa Senado at sa mababang kapulungan. Kaya ngat minsan naiisip nating “tunay nga bang inihahalal, tunay nga bang kinatawan, tunay nga bang masasabing representante ng pipol ang mga hinayupak na pulitikong ito?” Maliban sa pandaraya (pre-campaign period-Election/canvassing period), vote buying, padri-padrino't pamimigay ng bigas at noodles, sinasamantala ng mga TRAPO ang labis na kahirapan, karalitaan ng botanteng Pinoy makaupo lang sa poder.
Habang may ilang malalaki at maliliit na regional party ang malulusaw, dahil sa laki ng hiwaga ng "pork barrel" at proyekto, malaking bilang ang mag-aalsa balutan (turncoatism) at lilipat sa partidong malapit sa Malakanyang, ang KAMPI, mapanatili't maprotektahan lamang ang pansariling interes. Isang buhay na trend ang maramihang paglipat ng partidong naghihingalong Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP), NPC, LP at iba pa.
Ang partidong KAMPI ni Ate Glo ang siya ngayong paboritong paglipatan ng mga TRAPO, siya ngayon ang patok, nananagana, lumalakas at lumalawak dahil sa pork barrel at dahil sa pangggapang, pamimirata, pangangangkong at pananaraydor na iniuutos ng makapangyarihang punong nag-uukupa sa Malakanyang.
Habang sinisimulan na ang pandaraya, dirty tricks o special ops (PRE-CAMPAIGN period) ng Malakanyang, inaasahang darami pa ang kakampi ang Kampi sa mga lugar kung saan matatagpuan ang may malalaking bilang ng boto (Pampanga, Batangas, Isabela at Visayas at Mindanao).
Sa mauunlad na bansa, sagrado't ideolohikal ang Partido Pulitikal (hal. Communist Party, Social Democratic Prty, Liberal Democratic Party, Labor Party), sila ang nasa likud, susi at utak ng pagdidisenyo ng demokrasya at kaunlaran. Sa Pilipinas, baligtad ang sistema, ang Political Party ang sumasagka, ang sagabal sa demokratisasyon, kaunlaran at sumisira ng mga institusyon. Dito, pansariling interes, nakakatawa't buluk, showbiz, TRAPO, pinatatakbong parang pamilya't negosyo ang partido.
Nuong panahon ni Marcos, ang Kilusan Bagong Lipunan (KBL) ang nagdomina ng politika at silungan ng TRAPO, nuong panahon ni Tita Cory, magnetic pole ang Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP), nuong panahon ni Tabako-FVR, naglipatan ang karamihan sa Lakas-NUCD, kambyo sa Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) at Nationalist Peolple's Coalition (NPC) sa panahon ni Erap Estrada at ngayon, paparami ang kumakamping TRAPO sa KAMPI, ang partido't pinamumunuan ni Ate Glo.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov 25, 2006
Inaasahan ding makikisawsaw sa labanan ang mga retiradong matataas na puno ng AFP, PNP at ilang mga recycled na pulitikong gustong bumalik sa pulitika.
Dahil sa mga lumalabas na electoral SURVEY, kapraningan, tarantitay, desperado at kahibangang, mas vulnerable na patakbuhin ng administrasyon (Lakas-CMD at KAMPI) ang mga artista, 'wag lamang mapahiya't ma-zero sa inaasam-asam na magic 12 sa Senado at sa mababang kapulungan. Kaya ngat minsan naiisip nating “tunay nga bang inihahalal, tunay nga bang kinatawan, tunay nga bang masasabing representante ng pipol ang mga hinayupak na pulitikong ito?” Maliban sa pandaraya (pre-campaign period-Election/canvassing period), vote buying, padri-padrino't pamimigay ng bigas at noodles, sinasamantala ng mga TRAPO ang labis na kahirapan, karalitaan ng botanteng Pinoy makaupo lang sa poder.
Habang may ilang malalaki at maliliit na regional party ang malulusaw, dahil sa laki ng hiwaga ng "pork barrel" at proyekto, malaking bilang ang mag-aalsa balutan (turncoatism) at lilipat sa partidong malapit sa Malakanyang, ang KAMPI, mapanatili't maprotektahan lamang ang pansariling interes. Isang buhay na trend ang maramihang paglipat ng partidong naghihingalong Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP), NPC, LP at iba pa.
Ang partidong KAMPI ni Ate Glo ang siya ngayong paboritong paglipatan ng mga TRAPO, siya ngayon ang patok, nananagana, lumalakas at lumalawak dahil sa pork barrel at dahil sa pangggapang, pamimirata, pangangangkong at pananaraydor na iniuutos ng makapangyarihang punong nag-uukupa sa Malakanyang.
Habang sinisimulan na ang pandaraya, dirty tricks o special ops (PRE-CAMPAIGN period) ng Malakanyang, inaasahang darami pa ang kakampi ang Kampi sa mga lugar kung saan matatagpuan ang may malalaking bilang ng boto (Pampanga, Batangas, Isabela at Visayas at Mindanao).
Sa mauunlad na bansa, sagrado't ideolohikal ang Partido Pulitikal (hal. Communist Party, Social Democratic Prty, Liberal Democratic Party, Labor Party), sila ang nasa likud, susi at utak ng pagdidisenyo ng demokrasya at kaunlaran. Sa Pilipinas, baligtad ang sistema, ang Political Party ang sumasagka, ang sagabal sa demokratisasyon, kaunlaran at sumisira ng mga institusyon. Dito, pansariling interes, nakakatawa't buluk, showbiz, TRAPO, pinatatakbong parang pamilya't negosyo ang partido.
Nuong panahon ni Marcos, ang Kilusan Bagong Lipunan (KBL) ang nagdomina ng politika at silungan ng TRAPO, nuong panahon ni Tita Cory, magnetic pole ang Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP), nuong panahon ni Tabako-FVR, naglipatan ang karamihan sa Lakas-NUCD, kambyo sa Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) at Nationalist Peolple's Coalition (NPC) sa panahon ni Erap Estrada at ngayon, paparami ang kumakamping TRAPO sa KAMPI, ang partido't pinamumunuan ni Ate Glo.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov 25, 2006
MWSS and new Maynilad owner will not bring water to waterless communities
Press Release
BANTAY TUBIG NETWORK
November 23, 2006
Two years ago, the National Anti- Poverty Commission (NAPC) identified 212 communities or three million residents[1] of Metro Manila as "waterless". What NAPC meant was that these communities have no means, or lacked the access to clean, affordable water. Eighty percent of these belong to the West Zone, Maynilad's assigned area of responsibility.
The search for a new Maynilad owner has been on for months and now, nears conclusion. But the concern for waterless communities is yet to be taken up. Not a whisper coming from the Board of Trustees of the Metropolitan Water and Sewerage System (MWSS), and much less from the bidders.
" Many of these communities are in the most depressed areas of Metro Manila, they stand no chance of getting the service anytime soon", according to Jude Esguerra, spokesperson of water utilities watchdog Bantay Tubig. "We know that funds brought in by investors will first pay for $30 million that MWSS used to save the former owners of Maynilad from bankruptcy. We also know that as cash comes in from customer payments the heavy debt burden of Maynilad gets first priority. Other things considered less important by MWSS come into consideration later."
Esguerra adds, "if there is some money left after paying Maynilad's creditors and when considering service expansion and water supply allocation, our information is that commercially lucrative areas and easy-to-discipline customers will be given preference. Tsaka na lang yang mga urban poor areas."
MWSS is expected to transfer its shares in Maynilad to a new owner in the coming weeks. Missing in the entire selection process is MWSS' insistence that bidders should address the plight of waterless communities. MWSS only need to make the threat that their performance bonds will be taken from them.
There are two weak links in this second privatization process Esguerra notes, "first, there are no targets and deadlines regarding the waterless communities. And second, the MWSS has already allowed the required performance bond to be brought down from $120 to $30 million, insuring against scenarios wherein Maynilad will fail to honor its financial obligations but not from failures to achieve service improvement targets for the poor."
Esguerra makes the charge that MWSS is not performing its mandate -- "MWSS is refusing to hold Maynilad owners accountable for the service that the company needs to deliver to the waterless communities of Metro Manila."
The MWSS Board previously has agreed twice to the postponement of the expansion plans. The first permission to postpone expansion plans was given during the review of tariffs and targets in 2002 (rate re-basing), the second permission to postponement was given in-line with the effort to save Maynilad from bankruptcy.
Bantay Tubig's Esguerra believes that "in the end the Maynilad creditors will be paid, MWSS will recover money it used for the bailout, the company is rehabilitated – but services for the waterless communities will not be delivered."
"If we take a long view," Esguerra says notes, "next year is the tenth anniversary of the privatization of water services in Metro Manila. The original promise is that on the tenth year, there will no longer be waterless communities in Metro Manila. (Well) the price of water has been raised from P5 per cubic meter to P30 per cubic meter today, and yet the waterless communities of CAMANAVA and Quezon City are still not part of the MWSS plan."
Because there are no commitments to bring water to the poor areas, especially in places like CAMANAVA and Quezon City, the Bantay Tubig Network wants the reprivatization of Maynilad to be stopped.
-30-
Contact Person: Jude Esguerra, Bantay Tubig/ Ernesto E. Tomas Jr. @Nos. 9218049 / 4346674
The Bantay Tubig Network is a non-profit, development- oriented citizens' coalition organized in April 2002 in response to the worsening water and sanitation supply situation in the country. Bantay Tubig is for adequate, accessible and affordable water, and among its activities are to monitor regulatory processes, price increases, quality standards, and the performance of water companies in Metro Manila and the rest of the Philippines.
BANTAY TUBIG NETWORK
November 23, 2006
Two years ago, the National Anti- Poverty Commission (NAPC) identified 212 communities or three million residents[1] of Metro Manila as "waterless". What NAPC meant was that these communities have no means, or lacked the access to clean, affordable water. Eighty percent of these belong to the West Zone, Maynilad's assigned area of responsibility.
The search for a new Maynilad owner has been on for months and now, nears conclusion. But the concern for waterless communities is yet to be taken up. Not a whisper coming from the Board of Trustees of the Metropolitan Water and Sewerage System (MWSS), and much less from the bidders.
" Many of these communities are in the most depressed areas of Metro Manila, they stand no chance of getting the service anytime soon", according to Jude Esguerra, spokesperson of water utilities watchdog Bantay Tubig. "We know that funds brought in by investors will first pay for $30 million that MWSS used to save the former owners of Maynilad from bankruptcy. We also know that as cash comes in from customer payments the heavy debt burden of Maynilad gets first priority. Other things considered less important by MWSS come into consideration later."
Esguerra adds, "if there is some money left after paying Maynilad's creditors and when considering service expansion and water supply allocation, our information is that commercially lucrative areas and easy-to-discipline customers will be given preference. Tsaka na lang yang mga urban poor areas."
MWSS is expected to transfer its shares in Maynilad to a new owner in the coming weeks. Missing in the entire selection process is MWSS' insistence that bidders should address the plight of waterless communities. MWSS only need to make the threat that their performance bonds will be taken from them.
There are two weak links in this second privatization process Esguerra notes, "first, there are no targets and deadlines regarding the waterless communities. And second, the MWSS has already allowed the required performance bond to be brought down from $120 to $30 million, insuring against scenarios wherein Maynilad will fail to honor its financial obligations but not from failures to achieve service improvement targets for the poor."
Esguerra makes the charge that MWSS is not performing its mandate -- "MWSS is refusing to hold Maynilad owners accountable for the service that the company needs to deliver to the waterless communities of Metro Manila."
The MWSS Board previously has agreed twice to the postponement of the expansion plans. The first permission to postpone expansion plans was given during the review of tariffs and targets in 2002 (rate re-basing), the second permission to postponement was given in-line with the effort to save Maynilad from bankruptcy.
Bantay Tubig's Esguerra believes that "in the end the Maynilad creditors will be paid, MWSS will recover money it used for the bailout, the company is rehabilitated – but services for the waterless communities will not be delivered."
"If we take a long view," Esguerra says notes, "next year is the tenth anniversary of the privatization of water services in Metro Manila. The original promise is that on the tenth year, there will no longer be waterless communities in Metro Manila. (Well) the price of water has been raised from P5 per cubic meter to P30 per cubic meter today, and yet the waterless communities of CAMANAVA and Quezon City are still not part of the MWSS plan."
Because there are no commitments to bring water to the poor areas, especially in places like CAMANAVA and Quezon City, the Bantay Tubig Network wants the reprivatization of Maynilad to be stopped.
-30-
Contact Person: Jude Esguerra, Bantay Tubig/ Ernesto E. Tomas Jr. @Nos. 9218049 / 4346674
The Bantay Tubig Network is a non-profit, development- oriented citizens' coalition organized in April 2002 in response to the worsening water and sanitation supply situation in the country. Bantay Tubig is for adequate, accessible and affordable water, and among its activities are to monitor regulatory processes, price increases, quality standards, and the performance of water companies in Metro Manila and the rest of the Philippines.
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Mega Mall sa Pilipinas, nag-eevade ng REAL PROPERTY TAX
Kung totoo man ito, shocking ito. Nakakalungkot isiping na sa kabila ng kakulangan ng Internal Revenue Allotment ng ating mga Local Government Units upang ipangtustus sa batayang serbisyo publiko, itong mga Mega Mall ay 'di pa la nagbabayad ng sapat na buwis. Kung nagbabayad man ito, hindi mahirap paniwalaang kakarampot, kinukurakot at nauuwi lamang sa bulsa ng ilang mga lokal na ehekutibo ng LGUs.
Kung ang maliliit na negosyo sa komunidad, mga lupa't bahay ng maliliit nating kababayang nagbabayad ng ilang libong piso taun-taon ay 'di pinaliligtas ng Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), bakit nakakalusot itong mga multi-bilyong negosyong mga MALLs na pag-aari ng mga Pilipino-Chinese tycoon (Taipan)?
Hindi lingid sa mamamayang Pilipino ang modus operandi ng mga Taipan ("acquited" tax evasion ni Lucio Tan ng Fortune Tobacco), kung paano dumiskarte't maiwasan ang bilyong pisong buwis na dapat bayaran nito sa gubyerno. Hindi rin lingid sa mata ng mamamayan ang bilyong pisong pinansusuhol ng mga Taipang ito sa tuwing may ELECTION, pasko't bagong taon at sa tuwing may mahalagang pribadong okasyon ang mga pulitiko.
Sa liit ng sweldo ng isang pulitiko (P25-35,000/buwan), magtataka tayo kung bakit pinag-aagawan nito ang mga malalaking lunsod (Metro Manila cities, Cebu at iba pa), kung bakit daang milyon piso ang kanilang nagagastos sa tuwing halalan, narere-elect at kung bakit nagmumultiply at magagarbo ang mga ari-ariang personal sa Pilipianas at maging sa ibayong dagat nito? Ang tanong, magkano ang nakukurakot, natatanggap na lagay sa mga lokal na punong lunsod mula sa mga Taipan?
May isang daan maliliit at malalaking Mall ang nakabalagbag sa buong kapuluan, mula Baguio City sa Northern Luzon hanggang Davao City sa Katimugang Mindanao. Pinagmamalaki pa ng gubyerno na pangalawa ang 'Pinas sa mundo na may pinakamalaking Mall sa Asia. Isa ng consumerist Mall oriented service economy ang ating bansa, ang problema, bakit parang pulubing namamalimos ang Malakanyang at ang ating mga LGUs?
Ang mga military camp, mga pampublikong paaralan at nakatiwangwang na lupain ng gubyerno ay nabili't ipinabili na sa SM, Ayala at Robinson. Nanganganib pang ibenta ang ilang libong ektaryang nasasakupan ng lupaing gubyerno; mga state colleges, hospital at mga parke, mga ala-Central Park sanang magbibigay ginhawa sa metropolis kung itutulad sa mga luntiang, forested park na matatagpuan sa maunlad na bansa.
Kung may buto pa sa gulugud at political will ang BIR, ang national gov't, bakit hindi busisiin ang katiwalian at pandarayang ibinabayad na REAL PROPERTY TAX ng mga higanteng Mall sa Pilipinas?
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov. 24, 2006
Kung ang maliliit na negosyo sa komunidad, mga lupa't bahay ng maliliit nating kababayang nagbabayad ng ilang libong piso taun-taon ay 'di pinaliligtas ng Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), bakit nakakalusot itong mga multi-bilyong negosyong mga MALLs na pag-aari ng mga Pilipino-Chinese tycoon (Taipan)?
Hindi lingid sa mamamayang Pilipino ang modus operandi ng mga Taipan ("acquited" tax evasion ni Lucio Tan ng Fortune Tobacco), kung paano dumiskarte't maiwasan ang bilyong pisong buwis na dapat bayaran nito sa gubyerno. Hindi rin lingid sa mata ng mamamayan ang bilyong pisong pinansusuhol ng mga Taipang ito sa tuwing may ELECTION, pasko't bagong taon at sa tuwing may mahalagang pribadong okasyon ang mga pulitiko.
Sa liit ng sweldo ng isang pulitiko (P25-35,000/buwan), magtataka tayo kung bakit pinag-aagawan nito ang mga malalaking lunsod (Metro Manila cities, Cebu at iba pa), kung bakit daang milyon piso ang kanilang nagagastos sa tuwing halalan, narere-elect at kung bakit nagmumultiply at magagarbo ang mga ari-ariang personal sa Pilipianas at maging sa ibayong dagat nito? Ang tanong, magkano ang nakukurakot, natatanggap na lagay sa mga lokal na punong lunsod mula sa mga Taipan?
May isang daan maliliit at malalaking Mall ang nakabalagbag sa buong kapuluan, mula Baguio City sa Northern Luzon hanggang Davao City sa Katimugang Mindanao. Pinagmamalaki pa ng gubyerno na pangalawa ang 'Pinas sa mundo na may pinakamalaking Mall sa Asia. Isa ng consumerist Mall oriented service economy ang ating bansa, ang problema, bakit parang pulubing namamalimos ang Malakanyang at ang ating mga LGUs?
Ang mga military camp, mga pampublikong paaralan at nakatiwangwang na lupain ng gubyerno ay nabili't ipinabili na sa SM, Ayala at Robinson. Nanganganib pang ibenta ang ilang libong ektaryang nasasakupan ng lupaing gubyerno; mga state colleges, hospital at mga parke, mga ala-Central Park sanang magbibigay ginhawa sa metropolis kung itutulad sa mga luntiang, forested park na matatagpuan sa maunlad na bansa.
Kung may buto pa sa gulugud at political will ang BIR, ang national gov't, bakit hindi busisiin ang katiwalian at pandarayang ibinabayad na REAL PROPERTY TAX ng mga higanteng Mall sa Pilipinas?
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov. 24, 2006
Thursday, November 23, 2006
Outdated at Outmoded economy
Totoong outdated na ang modelong ginagamit na pang-ekonomya ng gubyerno. Hindi na uubra, hindi na kwela o 'wa EPEK na sa mamamayang Pinoy ang paulit-ulit na ipinagyayabang ng Malakanyang, ng NEDA, ni Ate Glo ng mga pulitikong nakakubli sa saya nito, na kesyo gumaganda't lumalakas ang Piso at stock market ay gumaganda na ang ekonomiya.
Palagiang ginagamit din sa panloloko ang taunang 4-6% TANTOs (rating) na Gross National Product (GNP) at Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ng ating ekonomya na kung tutuusin, ayon mismo ng United Nation Development Program (UNDP) ay isang OUTDATED na panukat ng kaunlaran, malayong 'di makasasapat at suntuk sa buwang magtri-trickle down effect sa baba o sa naghihikahos na mamamayang Pilipino.
Tignan at suriin na lamang ang ibinabandila ng “elitist” na World Economic Forum (WEF), ang version ng World Social Forum na dinadaluhan ng mga alternative progressive forces, civil society ng mundo. Sinasabi mismo ng WEF na nakapag-come up na ito ng makabagong mga measures na kahit paano'y may katuturan sa paglago ng ekonomya ng mundo.Ayon sa kanila, “sa mga nagdaang panahon, may paghina, pagbagsak ng international barriers sa daloy ng goods, services, capital, labor, may pagmarka ng pagbilis ng kumpas ng technological at scientific progress...may pagbawas sa halaga ng transport at communication... Against this backdrop of rapid systemic change.... we have seen shifts in the relative importance of those critical factors which determine the evolution of productivity and hence growth."
Sa usapin daw ng national competitiveness, tinalakay sa WEF ang pangunahing mga bagay na nagdedetermina ng antas ng pag-unlad o produktivity ng isang bansa. Ang mga ito ayon sa kanila ay mga saligang factors-SALIK, patakaran at INSTITUTION." May siyam (9) na pillars na sinasabing critical factors sa pag-unlad ng ekonomya; una ang pagpapalakas ng Institutions, Macro economy, Health and primary education, Market efficiency, Technological readiness, Business sophistication, at ang Innovation. Klinassified nila ang unang apat bilang basic requirements, bilang efficiency enhancers ang sumunod na tatlo, habang ang salik ng innovation at sophistication ang huling dalawa.
Ipagpalagay na nating may istabilidad ang macro economic factors (fiscal) na ikinokokak ng Malakanyang, pero sa ibang anggulo't larangan walang dudang WEAK-lumpo ang ating INSTITUTION, (lalo na ang democratic at political institution) infrastructure at ang pagkontrol ng pangungurakot na sinasabing siyang salik sa panlulupaypay ng ating ekonomya. Nakahanay ang Pilipinas sa mga bansang tinaguriang “banana republic” o ang kabaligtaran ng propang "strong republic" ni Ate Glo.
Sa mga nabanggit na institution, ang peace and order ang numero unong kailangang mairepaso. Bagsak ang kredibilidad ng AFP at PNP, mga bantay salakay at isinisisi sa malawakang pangungurakot-katiwalian sa weteng, “hello garci tape controvercy, ilihitimong gubyerno," political killings at panunupil ng demokratikong karapatan. Ang AFP at PNP na siyang dapat gumampan ng tungkuling protector of the pipol at Constitution, ang siyang promotor, fertilizer at canal na pinanggagaliangan ng lamok ng insureksyon at rebelyon.
Binabanggit din ang kahalagahan ng citizenry, ang aktibo at reponsableng papel ng mamamayan (active citizenry) na sasawata at magfifiscalized sa lumalalang kadimonyohan sa gubyerno, kaTRAPOhan sa Kongreso, sa lumalalang crisis ng representation (electoral politics) at institusyon ng Hustisya't hudikatura ng kasalukuyang dispenzation.
Sa dinami-dami ng batas na nakapatungkol sa safe guarding ng mga institusyon, preservation ng karapatang pang-tao, electoral process at pagbaka ng kurapsyon, wala itong nagawa, nagmistulang inutil, butas ang mga batas. Ang malalaking maimpluwensyang politikang angkan, oligarkiya, casique at warlordismo ang siyang nakapangyayari, kumatay at sumasalaula ng “rule of law at regulatory provision ng mga batas.”
Ang mga Pinoy na kabilang sa sinasabing middle class, na siyang dapat isa sa mga nangunguna sa panawagan (advocacy) ng good governance at kaunlaran ay napanghinanaan ng loob. Iilang porsiento na nga lang ng populasyon, nagsipaglikas (migration) pa ang malaking bahagi. Marami sa kanila'y matatagpuan sa mayayamang bansang tulad ng Amerika, Canada at Europa.
Wala sa PI, Con-Ass at CHA CHA ni Ate Glo, ni Tainga de Venecia at elite sa Tongreso ang SUSI, bagkus sila pa nga ang sanhi, ang pangunahing dahilan kung bakit lumala ng gadambuhalang sari-saring krisis ang country.
Mahalagang pag-isipan ng gubyernong papalit (kung sino man 'yon) ang “alternative development strategy” na matagal ng isinisigaw ng mamamayan. Pag-isipan ng ibasura ang kinakalawang na modelo ng ekonomyang sinusunod ng kasalukuyang umuukupa sa Malakanyang. May mahigit apat na dekadang kontrol ng elite ang gubyerno, wala na tayong narinig sa mga bukang bibig ang palagiang pagbibigay emphasis sa; macroeconomic stability (price at exchange rate stability, sustainable fiscal and balance of payments balances), trade liberalization, privatization, deregulation, and creating free markets, na sa totoo lang ayPASO na, 'di lang OUTMODED, OUTDATED pa.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov. 24, 2006
Palagiang ginagamit din sa panloloko ang taunang 4-6% TANTOs (rating) na Gross National Product (GNP) at Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ng ating ekonomya na kung tutuusin, ayon mismo ng United Nation Development Program (UNDP) ay isang OUTDATED na panukat ng kaunlaran, malayong 'di makasasapat at suntuk sa buwang magtri-trickle down effect sa baba o sa naghihikahos na mamamayang Pilipino.
Tignan at suriin na lamang ang ibinabandila ng “elitist” na World Economic Forum (WEF), ang version ng World Social Forum na dinadaluhan ng mga alternative progressive forces, civil society ng mundo. Sinasabi mismo ng WEF na nakapag-come up na ito ng makabagong mga measures na kahit paano'y may katuturan sa paglago ng ekonomya ng mundo.Ayon sa kanila, “sa mga nagdaang panahon, may paghina, pagbagsak ng international barriers sa daloy ng goods, services, capital, labor, may pagmarka ng pagbilis ng kumpas ng technological at scientific progress...may pagbawas sa halaga ng transport at communication... Against this backdrop of rapid systemic change.... we have seen shifts in the relative importance of those critical factors which determine the evolution of productivity and hence growth."
Sa usapin daw ng national competitiveness, tinalakay sa WEF ang pangunahing mga bagay na nagdedetermina ng antas ng pag-unlad o produktivity ng isang bansa. Ang mga ito ayon sa kanila ay mga saligang factors-SALIK, patakaran at INSTITUTION." May siyam (9) na pillars na sinasabing critical factors sa pag-unlad ng ekonomya; una ang pagpapalakas ng Institutions, Macro economy, Health and primary education, Market efficiency, Technological readiness, Business sophistication, at ang Innovation. Klinassified nila ang unang apat bilang basic requirements, bilang efficiency enhancers ang sumunod na tatlo, habang ang salik ng innovation at sophistication ang huling dalawa.
Ipagpalagay na nating may istabilidad ang macro economic factors (fiscal) na ikinokokak ng Malakanyang, pero sa ibang anggulo't larangan walang dudang WEAK-lumpo ang ating INSTITUTION, (lalo na ang democratic at political institution) infrastructure at ang pagkontrol ng pangungurakot na sinasabing siyang salik sa panlulupaypay ng ating ekonomya. Nakahanay ang Pilipinas sa mga bansang tinaguriang “banana republic” o ang kabaligtaran ng propang "strong republic" ni Ate Glo.
Sa mga nabanggit na institution, ang peace and order ang numero unong kailangang mairepaso. Bagsak ang kredibilidad ng AFP at PNP, mga bantay salakay at isinisisi sa malawakang pangungurakot-katiwalian sa weteng, “hello garci tape controvercy, ilihitimong gubyerno," political killings at panunupil ng demokratikong karapatan. Ang AFP at PNP na siyang dapat gumampan ng tungkuling protector of the pipol at Constitution, ang siyang promotor, fertilizer at canal na pinanggagaliangan ng lamok ng insureksyon at rebelyon.
Binabanggit din ang kahalagahan ng citizenry, ang aktibo at reponsableng papel ng mamamayan (active citizenry) na sasawata at magfifiscalized sa lumalalang kadimonyohan sa gubyerno, kaTRAPOhan sa Kongreso, sa lumalalang crisis ng representation (electoral politics) at institusyon ng Hustisya't hudikatura ng kasalukuyang dispenzation.
Sa dinami-dami ng batas na nakapatungkol sa safe guarding ng mga institusyon, preservation ng karapatang pang-tao, electoral process at pagbaka ng kurapsyon, wala itong nagawa, nagmistulang inutil, butas ang mga batas. Ang malalaking maimpluwensyang politikang angkan, oligarkiya, casique at warlordismo ang siyang nakapangyayari, kumatay at sumasalaula ng “rule of law at regulatory provision ng mga batas.”
Ang mga Pinoy na kabilang sa sinasabing middle class, na siyang dapat isa sa mga nangunguna sa panawagan (advocacy) ng good governance at kaunlaran ay napanghinanaan ng loob. Iilang porsiento na nga lang ng populasyon, nagsipaglikas (migration) pa ang malaking bahagi. Marami sa kanila'y matatagpuan sa mayayamang bansang tulad ng Amerika, Canada at Europa.
Wala sa PI, Con-Ass at CHA CHA ni Ate Glo, ni Tainga de Venecia at elite sa Tongreso ang SUSI, bagkus sila pa nga ang sanhi, ang pangunahing dahilan kung bakit lumala ng gadambuhalang sari-saring krisis ang country.
Mahalagang pag-isipan ng gubyernong papalit (kung sino man 'yon) ang “alternative development strategy” na matagal ng isinisigaw ng mamamayan. Pag-isipan ng ibasura ang kinakalawang na modelo ng ekonomyang sinusunod ng kasalukuyang umuukupa sa Malakanyang. May mahigit apat na dekadang kontrol ng elite ang gubyerno, wala na tayong narinig sa mga bukang bibig ang palagiang pagbibigay emphasis sa; macroeconomic stability (price at exchange rate stability, sustainable fiscal and balance of payments balances), trade liberalization, privatization, deregulation, and creating free markets, na sa totoo lang ayPASO na, 'di lang OUTMODED, OUTDATED pa.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov. 24, 2006
Wednesday, November 22, 2006
2 version ng Con-Asshole, ampaw, walang numero!!
Kamakailan lamang, matapos maibasura ang Palace Initiatives (PI), napabalitang kamuntik raw na maiconvene at magkaroon ng resolution sa House ang tungkol sa ipinipilit na Con-Ass, ang problema walang qourum, walang numero at kinapos ng tao.
Hati at dalawang version ang nasabing resolution sa House; ang 1230 ni Tong Salaula-Jaraula (Lakas-CMD) at HR 1285 sa version ng paksyon ni Tong Prospero Pichay (Kampi). Bagamat 'di gaanong magkapareho ang probisyon, parehong CHA CHA ang direksyon at puntirya. Pareho ring umaasa, nababaliw at napapraning na makaka-kalap pa ng 195 na pirma. Dahil walang sumisipot at abala na sa gawaing TRAPO at pamumulitika sa 2007 election sa kani-kanilang constituencies, ang resulta, parehong tiguk, bulilyaso!
Kung totoo ang ipinagyayabang ni Tandang Villafuerte (Kampi) nuong nakaraang Oktubre na 195, bakit 'di masimulan ang sesyon para agarang ma-aamyendahan na ang Constitution? Ang totoo, ang nais ng mamamayan ay mawala na ang 150 pulitiko (Kampi at Lakas-CMD) sa Tongreso. Ang kakakapal, pinagtatawanan na't bistadong dinero, pondo't pera-pera lang ang katapat ng mga Trapong ito.
Mangangailan ng mahigit-kumulang na DAANG MILYONG PISONG pansuhol na "pork barrel" uli si Pichay at si Tainga de Venecia para mabilisang mapirmahan ang isa sa mga resolution. Magkakaroon lamang ng QUORUM kung may DATUNG na pangKOTONG. Susugud ang mga TRAPONG yan sa Tongreso kung may SARO na, kung may Notice of Cash Allocation (NCA) na maliwanag, naniniguro lang!
Walang problema sa isinusulong na charter change, Constitutional reform tungo sa parliamentaryong pagbabago ng sistemang politikal, basta't sabay ring babaguhin, irerepormang tunay, mapapawi sa pwesto ang kasalukuyang TRAPONG nakalukluk sa gubyerno, igagarantiya ang karapatan at palalakasin ang kapangyarihan ng mamamayan.
Ang nakakatawa, kayo-kayo at sila-sila pa rin, napaka-brutal, garapal at pansariling interest. "Political survival" ang habol ng ilihitimong nag-uukupa ng Malakanyang. Sa isang banda, layon nitong burahin sa kasaysayan ang krimen, katiwalian, linlangan, political killings at 'hello garci controversies, habang kapit sa tuko sa kapangyarihang magtagal sa poder, chugiin, durugin ang mga kaaway sa politika, aktibista man o oposisyon.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov 21, 2006
Hati at dalawang version ang nasabing resolution sa House; ang 1230 ni Tong Salaula-Jaraula (Lakas-CMD) at HR 1285 sa version ng paksyon ni Tong Prospero Pichay (Kampi). Bagamat 'di gaanong magkapareho ang probisyon, parehong CHA CHA ang direksyon at puntirya. Pareho ring umaasa, nababaliw at napapraning na makaka-kalap pa ng 195 na pirma. Dahil walang sumisipot at abala na sa gawaing TRAPO at pamumulitika sa 2007 election sa kani-kanilang constituencies, ang resulta, parehong tiguk, bulilyaso!
Kung totoo ang ipinagyayabang ni Tandang Villafuerte (Kampi) nuong nakaraang Oktubre na 195, bakit 'di masimulan ang sesyon para agarang ma-aamyendahan na ang Constitution? Ang totoo, ang nais ng mamamayan ay mawala na ang 150 pulitiko (Kampi at Lakas-CMD) sa Tongreso. Ang kakakapal, pinagtatawanan na't bistadong dinero, pondo't pera-pera lang ang katapat ng mga Trapong ito.
Mangangailan ng mahigit-kumulang na DAANG MILYONG PISONG pansuhol na "pork barrel" uli si Pichay at si Tainga de Venecia para mabilisang mapirmahan ang isa sa mga resolution. Magkakaroon lamang ng QUORUM kung may DATUNG na pangKOTONG. Susugud ang mga TRAPONG yan sa Tongreso kung may SARO na, kung may Notice of Cash Allocation (NCA) na maliwanag, naniniguro lang!
Walang problema sa isinusulong na charter change, Constitutional reform tungo sa parliamentaryong pagbabago ng sistemang politikal, basta't sabay ring babaguhin, irerepormang tunay, mapapawi sa pwesto ang kasalukuyang TRAPONG nakalukluk sa gubyerno, igagarantiya ang karapatan at palalakasin ang kapangyarihan ng mamamayan.
Ang nakakatawa, kayo-kayo at sila-sila pa rin, napaka-brutal, garapal at pansariling interest. "Political survival" ang habol ng ilihitimong nag-uukupa ng Malakanyang. Sa isang banda, layon nitong burahin sa kasaysayan ang krimen, katiwalian, linlangan, political killings at 'hello garci controversies, habang kapit sa tuko sa kapangyarihang magtagal sa poder, chugiin, durugin ang mga kaaway sa politika, aktibista man o oposisyon.
Doy Cinco / IPD
Nov 21, 2006
Tuesday, November 21, 2006
Int’l groups back RP’s pro-breastfeeding code
May ilang dekada na tayong pinagloloko, nililinlang at pinagsasamantalahan ng tatlong dambuhalang US formula companies na kinabibilangan ng Abbott Ross, Mead Johnson at Wyeth, Gerber (pag-aari na ng Swiss NOVARTIS) at iba pang international pharmaceutical giants. Napapanahon na upang siguro'y ilantad ang tunay na kadimonyohan ng mga malalaking kumpanyang GATAS na ito na patuloy na nanggogoyo sa mamamayang Pilipino at sa iba pang mga bansang dukhang kabilang sa Third World Countries.
Ang katarantaduhang ipinapalaganap na marketing strategy ng mga ito, na kesyo kapag ininum ito ng isang batang sanggol ay magiging MATALINO at lulusog, etc..etc...etc.. Sa totoo lang, ang katalinuhan, intelligence (intelectual) at emotional upbringing, capacity ng isang bata ay dulot ng kanyang kapaligiran, nasa kanyang mga MAGULANG, nasa paghuhubog na pagpoprograma ng kanyang Nanay at Tatay, hindi dahil sa isang nakadelatang gatas ng baka na sa totoo lang ay nakakaLASON!!
Kaya, isang bagsak para sa mga taga Department of Health (DOH) at mga NGOs, specially ARUGAAN na nagsulong ng BREASTFEEDING advocacy sa Pilipinas - doy / IPD
-------------
By Christian V. Esguerra, Philip Tubeza
Inquirer
Last updated 00:22am (Mla time) 11/21/2006
EXPRESSIONS of support from the United States, Canada, New Zealand and United Kingdom, poured in Monday in the wake of the “blackmail” the Philippine government got from American businessmen over its rules regulating the marketing of infant milk formula.
“Do not let yourself be bullied by these outrageously inhuman beings -- they are not supported by the citizens of their countries,” a mother from the United States wrote in an Internet-based “petition of solidarity” started by the global advocacy group Baby Milk Action.
“I admire the Philippines (for) taking this strong action to protect infants,” wrote another from Canada. “Infant health should always take precedence over corporate interests.”
Similar messages continue to fill the online pages of the Baby Milk Action petition, all attacking the Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America.
Mothers and breast milk advocates were outraged by the letter of Thomas Donahue, chamber president and chief executive officer, warning President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on the government’s position against infant formulas.
“It has been brought to my attention that a recent regulatory decision by an agency of your government would have unintended negative consequences for investors' confidence in the predictability of business law in the Philippines,” Donahue said in the letter dated August 11.
Donahue was referring to the revised implementing rules and regulations (IRR) of Executive Order No. 51 or the Milk Code, which limits the marketing of infant formulas and requires companies to put labels on their products warning of possible health hazards.
He said the chamber was particularly “concerned about the effects this decision will have on the pharmaceutical industry.”
Health Secretary Francisco Duque III earlier described the Donahue letter as a form of “pressure” and “a subtle blackmail.” Malacañang stood by Duque on Monday.
Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye, who was in Singapore with the President, said Duque was acting in the country’s “interest.” However, he said the government was also trying to “address” the concerns of the American businessmen.
“The secretary of health is the point person on this issue and is acting in our national interest without straining our diplomatic and trading ties with any nation,” Bunye said in a statement.
He said the IRR was “already undergoing a review to address the comments of the US Chamber of Commerce.”
“The Philippines as a matter of national policy supports and promotes breastfeeding and adheres to reasonably strict standards for the entry of infant milk formula products in the Philippines,” he said.
In a statement, Nestlé Philippines Inc. said it was supporting the proposal to prohibit the use of identical or similar brand names both for infant formulas and for other milk products not covered by the Milk Code.
“The proposal will strengthen the effective and transparent enforcement of the ban on the advertising of infant milk,” Nestlé said in a statement on Monday.
It said it was also supporting an advertising ban on breast milk substitutes for infants aged up to 12 months. In contrast, the IRR regulates the advertising of milk formula for children aged up to 24 months, which is consistent with the World Health Assembly resolutions and the Infant and Young Child Feeding Convention to which the Philippines is a signatory.
The International Baby Food Action Network (Ibfan) in Europe, representing 58 groups in 35 countries across the continent, endorsed the petition supporting the Philippine government’s policies on infant formulas.
From England, a certain Jennifer wrote: “The health of children of the Philippines is of far greater importance than the accumulation of profits by baby milk companies." “It is shameful that companies and individuals should undermine the health of babies purely to make money.”
In a letter to Arroyo dated September 25, the World Alliance for Breast-feeding Action (WABA) commended the government for standing firm on the Milk Code.
“The efforts of your team in strengthening the existing EO 51 (Milk Code) are being followed by experts on the international field of infant and young child feeding and [by] breastfeeding advocates worldwide,” WABA Chair Beth Styer wrote. “We applaud your courage and conviction in the face of adversity.”
The group is an alliance of individuals and organizations promoting breastfeeding.
Besides Styer, representatives of the International Lactation Consultant Association, of the Academy of Breast-feeding Medicine and of Ibfan signed the letter, a copy of which was obtained by the Inquirer.
The letter was accompanied by a press statement saying that the US Chamber of Commerce was exerting “direct pressure” on the Philippines “to withdraw newly introduced regulations that protect breast-feeding and infant and young child health.”
Consistent with the findings of international experts, the IRR drafted by the Department of Health required milk formula companies to put up labels warning that their products “may” contain either “Enterobacter sakasakii” or “salmonella.”
The United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization earlier found that “intrinsic contamination of powdered infant formula [by E.] sakasakii and salmonella is a cause of illness and infection.”
E. sakasakii has been identified with sepsis and meningitis while salmonella causes food poisoning. The Pharmaceutical and Health Care Association of the Philippines earlier challenged the IRR of the new Milk Code in court.
“The court refused to issue the requested temporary restraining order,” the Baby Milk Action said on its website. “However, it reversed this decision four days after the President was contacted by the US Chamber of Commerce.”
--------------------------------
http://www.babymilkaction.org/CEM/cemnov06.html#petition
Direct pressure is being exerted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce on the President of the Philippines to withdraw newly introduced regulations that protect breastfeeding and child health. In a leaked letter dated 11 August, the President of the US Chamber of Commerce, Mr Thomas Donohue, warned President Arroyo of “the risk to the reputation of the Philippines as a stable and viable destination for investment” if she did not “re-examine this regulatory decision”. He was referring to marketing restrictions on pharmaceutical and formula companies.
In July 2006, new Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) to restrict marketing practices used to boost formula sales were to come into force. These regulations, issued by the Philippines Department of Health must be seen in the light of the 1986 Executive Order 51 also known as the “Milk Code”, a law restricting promotion of infant foods, based on the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes. The “Milk Code” had become somewhat outdated in view of changing marketing practices and the IRR were a way to bridge the gap. They also reflected relevant World Health Assembly (WHA) resolutions, endorsed by all countries including Philippines and the USA.
In protest over the IRR, the Pharmaceutical and Health Care Association of the Philippines (PHAP) representing three main US formula companies (Abbott Ross, Mead Johnson and Wyeth), Gerber (now owned by Swiss NOVARTIS) and other international pharmaceutical giants, took the Filipino government to court. In July, the Supreme Court declined PHAP’s application for a temporary restraining order to stop the IRR from coming into effect. Both initiation and duration of breastfeeding had dangerously declined and it was very necessary to halt commercial promotion for bottle feeding. Babies must come before business.
Within a month, however, on August 15, just 4 days after the letter by the American Chamber of Commerce, the Supreme Court, overturned its own decision by granting a temporary restraining order in favour of PHAP. While a court case is pending, no one should comment on its merits. The letter by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce can therefore be seen as a direct threat to the independence of the judiciary. This should not happen anywhere, not in the Philippines or in any other country.
We wish to publicise and denounce the interference by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and express our support for the Implementing Rules and Regulations issued by the Department of Health. We also reaffirm that use of infant formula is indeed a potential hazard to infant health, and that promotion of such foods undermines breastfeeding, putting health at risk. WHO and UNICEF both agree that the risks of artificial feeding should be highlighted. [Innocenti Declaration 2005 on Infant and Young Child Feeding, 22 November 2005, Florence, Italy.]
We therefore call upon the business sector in the US and in Manila to exercise restraint and also call upon various arms of the Government of the Philippines – Judiciary, Executive and Legislature – to carry out their duties independently and without fear or favour so as to fulfil the right of the children of Philippines to the best attainable standard of health.
Ang katarantaduhang ipinapalaganap na marketing strategy ng mga ito, na kesyo kapag ininum ito ng isang batang sanggol ay magiging MATALINO at lulusog, etc..etc...etc.. Sa totoo lang, ang katalinuhan, intelligence (intelectual) at emotional upbringing, capacity ng isang bata ay dulot ng kanyang kapaligiran, nasa kanyang mga MAGULANG, nasa paghuhubog na pagpoprograma ng kanyang Nanay at Tatay, hindi dahil sa isang nakadelatang gatas ng baka na sa totoo lang ay nakakaLASON!!
Kaya, isang bagsak para sa mga taga Department of Health (DOH) at mga NGOs, specially ARUGAAN na nagsulong ng BREASTFEEDING advocacy sa Pilipinas - doy / IPD
-------------
By Christian V. Esguerra, Philip Tubeza
Inquirer
Last updated 00:22am (Mla time) 11/21/2006
EXPRESSIONS of support from the United States, Canada, New Zealand and United Kingdom, poured in Monday in the wake of the “blackmail” the Philippine government got from American businessmen over its rules regulating the marketing of infant milk formula.
“Do not let yourself be bullied by these outrageously inhuman beings -- they are not supported by the citizens of their countries,” a mother from the United States wrote in an Internet-based “petition of solidarity” started by the global advocacy group Baby Milk Action.
“I admire the Philippines (for) taking this strong action to protect infants,” wrote another from Canada. “Infant health should always take precedence over corporate interests.”
Similar messages continue to fill the online pages of the Baby Milk Action petition, all attacking the Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America.
Mothers and breast milk advocates were outraged by the letter of Thomas Donahue, chamber president and chief executive officer, warning President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on the government’s position against infant formulas.
“It has been brought to my attention that a recent regulatory decision by an agency of your government would have unintended negative consequences for investors' confidence in the predictability of business law in the Philippines,” Donahue said in the letter dated August 11.
Donahue was referring to the revised implementing rules and regulations (IRR) of Executive Order No. 51 or the Milk Code, which limits the marketing of infant formulas and requires companies to put labels on their products warning of possible health hazards.
He said the chamber was particularly “concerned about the effects this decision will have on the pharmaceutical industry.”
Health Secretary Francisco Duque III earlier described the Donahue letter as a form of “pressure” and “a subtle blackmail.” Malacañang stood by Duque on Monday.
Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye, who was in Singapore with the President, said Duque was acting in the country’s “interest.” However, he said the government was also trying to “address” the concerns of the American businessmen.
“The secretary of health is the point person on this issue and is acting in our national interest without straining our diplomatic and trading ties with any nation,” Bunye said in a statement.
He said the IRR was “already undergoing a review to address the comments of the US Chamber of Commerce.”
“The Philippines as a matter of national policy supports and promotes breastfeeding and adheres to reasonably strict standards for the entry of infant milk formula products in the Philippines,” he said.
In a statement, Nestlé Philippines Inc. said it was supporting the proposal to prohibit the use of identical or similar brand names both for infant formulas and for other milk products not covered by the Milk Code.
“The proposal will strengthen the effective and transparent enforcement of the ban on the advertising of infant milk,” Nestlé said in a statement on Monday.
It said it was also supporting an advertising ban on breast milk substitutes for infants aged up to 12 months. In contrast, the IRR regulates the advertising of milk formula for children aged up to 24 months, which is consistent with the World Health Assembly resolutions and the Infant and Young Child Feeding Convention to which the Philippines is a signatory.
The International Baby Food Action Network (Ibfan) in Europe, representing 58 groups in 35 countries across the continent, endorsed the petition supporting the Philippine government’s policies on infant formulas.
From England, a certain Jennifer wrote: “The health of children of the Philippines is of far greater importance than the accumulation of profits by baby milk companies." “It is shameful that companies and individuals should undermine the health of babies purely to make money.”
In a letter to Arroyo dated September 25, the World Alliance for Breast-feeding Action (WABA) commended the government for standing firm on the Milk Code.
“The efforts of your team in strengthening the existing EO 51 (Milk Code) are being followed by experts on the international field of infant and young child feeding and [by] breastfeeding advocates worldwide,” WABA Chair Beth Styer wrote. “We applaud your courage and conviction in the face of adversity.”
The group is an alliance of individuals and organizations promoting breastfeeding.
Besides Styer, representatives of the International Lactation Consultant Association, of the Academy of Breast-feeding Medicine and of Ibfan signed the letter, a copy of which was obtained by the Inquirer.
The letter was accompanied by a press statement saying that the US Chamber of Commerce was exerting “direct pressure” on the Philippines “to withdraw newly introduced regulations that protect breast-feeding and infant and young child health.”
Consistent with the findings of international experts, the IRR drafted by the Department of Health required milk formula companies to put up labels warning that their products “may” contain either “Enterobacter sakasakii” or “salmonella.”
The United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization earlier found that “intrinsic contamination of powdered infant formula [by E.] sakasakii and salmonella is a cause of illness and infection.”
E. sakasakii has been identified with sepsis and meningitis while salmonella causes food poisoning. The Pharmaceutical and Health Care Association of the Philippines earlier challenged the IRR of the new Milk Code in court.
“The court refused to issue the requested temporary restraining order,” the Baby Milk Action said on its website. “However, it reversed this decision four days after the President was contacted by the US Chamber of Commerce.”
--------------------------------
http://www.babymilkaction.org/CEM/cemnov06.html#petition
Direct pressure is being exerted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce on the President of the Philippines to withdraw newly introduced regulations that protect breastfeeding and child health. In a leaked letter dated 11 August, the President of the US Chamber of Commerce, Mr Thomas Donohue, warned President Arroyo of “the risk to the reputation of the Philippines as a stable and viable destination for investment” if she did not “re-examine this regulatory decision”. He was referring to marketing restrictions on pharmaceutical and formula companies.
In July 2006, new Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) to restrict marketing practices used to boost formula sales were to come into force. These regulations, issued by the Philippines Department of Health must be seen in the light of the 1986 Executive Order 51 also known as the “Milk Code”, a law restricting promotion of infant foods, based on the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes. The “Milk Code” had become somewhat outdated in view of changing marketing practices and the IRR were a way to bridge the gap. They also reflected relevant World Health Assembly (WHA) resolutions, endorsed by all countries including Philippines and the USA.
In protest over the IRR, the Pharmaceutical and Health Care Association of the Philippines (PHAP) representing three main US formula companies (Abbott Ross, Mead Johnson and Wyeth), Gerber (now owned by Swiss NOVARTIS) and other international pharmaceutical giants, took the Filipino government to court. In July, the Supreme Court declined PHAP’s application for a temporary restraining order to stop the IRR from coming into effect. Both initiation and duration of breastfeeding had dangerously declined and it was very necessary to halt commercial promotion for bottle feeding. Babies must come before business.
Within a month, however, on August 15, just 4 days after the letter by the American Chamber of Commerce, the Supreme Court, overturned its own decision by granting a temporary restraining order in favour of PHAP. While a court case is pending, no one should comment on its merits. The letter by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce can therefore be seen as a direct threat to the independence of the judiciary. This should not happen anywhere, not in the Philippines or in any other country.
We wish to publicise and denounce the interference by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and express our support for the Implementing Rules and Regulations issued by the Department of Health. We also reaffirm that use of infant formula is indeed a potential hazard to infant health, and that promotion of such foods undermines breastfeeding, putting health at risk. WHO and UNICEF both agree that the risks of artificial feeding should be highlighted. [Innocenti Declaration 2005 on Infant and Young Child Feeding, 22 November 2005, Florence, Italy.]
We therefore call upon the business sector in the US and in Manila to exercise restraint and also call upon various arms of the Government of the Philippines – Judiciary, Executive and Legislature – to carry out their duties independently and without fear or favour so as to fulfil the right of the children of Philippines to the best attainable standard of health.
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Citizen’s concerns raised, MWSS should reconsider rebidding of Maynilad
(Response to "Maynilad claims partial restoration of water services" by C Gaylican, PDI November 30)
Bantay Tubig wishes to clarify Metro Manila’s water supply and many news article that inadvertently confuses readers by combining two unrelated issues.
Of immediate concern for the past ten days is the Angat Dam situation due to abnormal water depletion over the past months.
Of daily concern for the past ten years since 1996 for the 170 communities in the West Zone of MWSS, is a basic access to water that has been denied to 1.5 million people since the botched privatization of MWSS in Metro Manila.
Maynilad (the distribution company serving the west zone) has been a failure from the start. The company had not only reneged on its investments and planned targets of service expansion and universal water coverage, it was an outright financial failure requiring a government bailout last year. Maynilad looses 65 percent of its water due to unrehabilitated infrastructure, pilferage, and poor management. Water losses on this systemic scale have nothing to do with temporary shortages at the source in Angat Dam.
Bantay Tubig believes that the government has been expediting the re-privatization of Maynilad without requiring firm service commitments from bidders. The government is apparently now using the abnormal water shortage situation to confuse the people who have been without water for the past 10 years.
Metro Manila residents and communities need to know the real cause of this systemic problem. This has to do with Maynilad’s failure to provide investments, and meet performance targets and expansion plans. This has occurred with the consent of MWSS in direct contravention to their own mandate.
Before MWSS declares a winning bidder next week, it must specify plans and deadlines for the waterless communities. Today there are none. MWSS must insist on bidders to prioritize the waterless, rather than Maynilad’s creditors. ‘Restoration of water supply in the west concession area’ promised by Maynilad will do nothing for the waterless communities. Neither will re-privatization, it seems.
Contact Person: Jude Esguerra / Ernesto E. Tomas Jr. @Nos. 9218049 / 4346674, jude.esguerra@gmail.com, eetomas@gmail.com. Bantay Tubig Secretariat at No. 45 Matimtiman St. Teacher’s Village, Quezon City.
Posted by Ernesto E. | 3:45 PM