Masyado atang over-kill, PRANING, OA (over-acting), over-over-over-over reacting ang Malakanyang sa 14,000 pwersang pang-seguridad na ikakalat ng PNP-AFP sa Kamaynilaan, partikular sa lugar ng Batasang Complex (ilang libong itatalaga) sa araw ng SONA ni Ate Glo sa darating na Hulyo 24. Paglolokohin, propropagandahan na naman tayo ni Ate Glo !
Epekto ba'to ng pagkaka-aresto ng anim na Magdalo leader nung nakaraang Linggo at inbentong pasasabugin daw nito ang Tongreso? Akala ba natin “tapos na ang boxing”, tapos na ang banta, ang destabilization, dahil pinagtitimbug, pinaralisado n'yo na ang Magdalo-YOUng at CPP-NPA? Ano naman ang magagawa ng pitong libong raliesta (5-7,000), lalabas pang mas doble karami ang tropa ni Querol at Esperon!
“Sintidu kumun” lang! Kung ako ang kalaban ng Malakanyang, napakalabo naman, napaka-imposible naman, napaka-TANGA-GAGO naman, kung ikaw ay aatake, lulusub, babanat sa araw ng SONA kung saan nakahanda't preperado ang PNP-AFP? Logically, kung ika'y may planong magsagawa ng atake-assault, pipiliin mo ang panahong tahimik, banayad, nagpapahinga, sorpresa ika nga, may LULL, kampante na ang mga kalaban!
Sa totoo lang, sa Kilusang Naghahnp ng Katotohanan nakatuon ang kanyong ng 14,000? Asahang gagawa na naman ng kwento, mga kabulustugan, inbensyon, propaganda ang Malakanyang (kesyo may sabwatan ang magra- rally sa kilusang komunista at Magdalo) upang muling mapaniwala nito ang country!
Sa bahagi ng pangkaraniwang pulis (may kaibigan din tayo) dagdag kita ang red alert at trabahong pagiging anti-riot. Bukud sa patayo-tayo ka lang, libre chibug at namamalo, sobrang laki ang allowance na kanilang natatanggap.
Kung lalaruin lang ang malilikut na kaisipan, subukan kayang “walang pagkilos, 'wag makipag sabayan, walang kilos protesta”, walang rally, walang paglusob at hayaang SUMUNTOK SA HANGIN si Querol? Kung nakasentro sa Batasan complex, MRT-LRT, Mega Train, Oil Depot sa Pandacan at sa Palsyo ang PNP-AFP, ITUTUK kaya ng mga rallyiesta sa Intramuros, sa Comelec (“hello garci) at CBCP (pananalaula ng Malakanyang – kalapit lugar) ang kilos protesta?
Bukud sa makakilikha ito ng matinding traffic (na kadalasa'y ibinibintang ni Querol sa RALLY), vehicular accident sa highway, tuwing may “red alert status” tumataas ang kriminalidad sa Kamaynilaan. Nami-miesta ang mga drug lord, weteng lord, bank robber, akyat bahay, mga hold-upper, snatcher at masasamang elemento ng lipunan sa panahong nakatutuk, abalang-abala at concerns ng PNP ay magbantay sa seguridad ng Malakanyang at ni Ate Glo!
Kung matatandaan, nakaraan SONA (2005), na-carnap ang auto-pick up (tanghaling tapat!) ng isa naming ka-opisina mismo sa harap ng parking lot ng IPD. Isang graduating student ng UST ang hinoldup at pinatay malapit lang sa Morayta, isang kilometro ang layo mula sa nakahambalang anti-riot-PNP na nakaharang at namamatuta ng mga nagpo-protesta. Isang ka-subdivision - kapit-bahay namin ang nilooban ng “akyat bahay gang” at nilimas lahat ang valueble item ng bahay.
Itong taong kasalukuyang mainit ang banta sa “kudeta” (Feb'06), magkakasunod na nilooban ang bangko sa Caloocan at Cainta. Isang kakilala ang nagkwento na ang kanyang anak na dalagita na nagtatrabaho sa Call Center ang nabiktima sa FX taxi (madaling araw-kahabaan ng Commonwealt Av), nilimas lahat ang pera't cell phone ng mga pasahero.
Bago mag June 12 (red alert, Independence day celeb), mga alas 9:00 ng gabi, galing sa Hi-Top supermarket, papauwi, nahold-up ang sinasakyang jeep (Philcoa-UP) ng aking anak, tinutukan ng mga di-baril na 3 kalalakihan, nilimas ang cell phone at pitaka ng mga pasahero at bumaba sa kanto, malapit sa Computer Center / Info center ng University avenue.
Dahil “red alert-political crisis”, hirap at halos walang rumerespondeng mga pulis. Walang dudang hindi ito isolated cases. Siguradong mamimiesta't natutuwa, umaarangkada at lumalala't lumalaganap ang krimen sa tuwing may rally, demo at pagkilos ng kilusang demokratiko.
Doy Cinco
July 15, 2006
Friday, July 14, 2006
Institusyon ng Simbahan: CBCP, sinasalaaula na rin ng Malakanyang!
Parang hindi na bago, parang hindi na balita na mauuwi lamang sa “pera-pera” ang sigalot sa impeachment. Inaasahan na ni Juan yan! Tulad nung nakarang taon, nauwi lang sa tawaran, sa BULSA ang complaint na isinalang sa Tongreso laban kay Ate Glo. Mula ng masimulan ang pananalaula, supalpalan at suhulan sa Comelec-“hello Garci”, namanhid na ang country sa kabulukan ng pulitika.
Hindi pa lubusang napapanatag ang pulitika sa bansa. Ayon sa ilang taga-palasyo, “nananatiling may residual threats sa bahay ng palasyo”. Kung sa bagay, ikaw rin ang lumagay sa katayuan ni Ate Glo, “survival mode”, lugmuk at “strong republic kuno”, inutil, hawak sa ilong ng pulitiko at ng mga Heneral. Ang tronong “pinaka-worst na presidente sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas.” Mahirap ng matulad kay Erap, lahat na lang ay gagawin upang tumagal hanggang 2013. Nandiyan gamitin ang Batas Pambansa 880 ni Marcos, ang RA 1017, General Order number 5, ang “emergency power”, ang CPR-“no permit no rally” at ang 464.
Unang binalasubas ang ilang matataas na pamunuang sa PNP-AFP nung nakaraang taon (July, '05), pinakamatinding hambalos at kamuntikanang natuluyan si Ate Glo (kapanahunan nagbitiw ang Hyatt 10, Drilon-LP wing, Tita Cory, Makati Business Club, PCCP).
Ikalawang bigwas ay ang labanan sa numero (numbers game) nung kainitan ng unang impeachment complaint sa Tongreso na kung saan, malaking bilang ng oposisyon ay bigla na lamang nanahimik, pinag-byahe at nagsirkuhan. Bumaha ng dinero at nabiyayaan ng maraming proyekto ang mga distritong kumontra sa impeachment. Naambunan din ang hanay ng mga LGUs na ginamit panalba sa naghihinglong gubyerno ni Ate Glo. Parang kidlat na naidiliver agad ang milyung “pork barrel” sa mga Tongresman at LGUs, kasabay namang inipit, binara at nawalang ng inaasahang pondo ang sa oposisyon.
Ikatlong dagok ay nung February, '06, pinkamatinding bagyo't tornadong sasalpok sana sa Malakanyang.
Muling tumabo ang ilang matataas na pamunuan ng AFP-PNP sa pagsunod, pagtalima, pag-agapay sa commander-in chief. Ilan sa mga usap-usapan, payat ang P50.0 milyon sa kada heneral, huwag lang bibitaw sa palasyo at huwag kumagat sa kakaramput na “offer” ng oposisyon na wala pang P5.0 milyon. The “price is right” ika nga!
Ang pinakahuli at kamuntikanang sinupalpalan (ayos lang sa ilang obispo?) bagamat nabulilyaso ay ang CBCP. Masyadong binarat, cheap eka nga ang mga Obispo. Isang malaking “insulto”, isipin mong P20,000 hanggang P30,000 lamang ang laman ng envelop? Ayon kay Arsobispo Fernando Capalla ng Davao at kasalukuyang presidente ng CBCP, “sa dokumentong inilabas ng PAGCOR, mayroong P500,000 hanggang P4.0 milyon ang inialok sa ilang Obispo; kay Bishop Vidal ng Cebu at kay Aniceto ng San Fernando. Hindi masisisi ang ating mga magigiting na Obispo, tao rin ang mga ito't may kahinaan din.
May pagka-suwabe ang dating, pinalabas pang isa lamang “donasyon”, “financial assistance” at proyektong pambayan (botika ng bayan) at agapay para sa mahihirap. Anuman termino ang gamitin, pagbali-baligtarin mo man, kahit saan tignan, mapailalim, mapaibabaw, mapasisid, mapatagilid, ano man ang kahulugan (the end justify the means) nito, maliwanag na imoral yan, lagay, kurakot, parang TONG yan sa SAKLAAN, bribery yan mula sa sugal, mula sa gambling lord at mula sa dugo't pawis ng country. Kung kaya't hindi malayong paniwalaang tumatanggap ang ilang Obispo (kahit noon pa), mula sa masasamg elemento ng gubyerno, sa drug lord, smuggling lord at mula sa pulitiko (trapo).
Gustong suklian ni Ate Glo ang “pagtatalaga sa kanya ng Diyos bilang presidente.“ Gusto pang palabasing “mapagbigay, mabait, palabasing matulungin sa mahihirap at relihiyoso si Ate Glo sa mga Obispo (bakit hindi idiretsyo nlang sa tao, sa barangay o sa DSWD ang tulong!).
Idiniliver ng mensahero ng Malakanyang ang suhol sa mga kasapi ng CBCP nung kasalukuyang pinagpapasyahan at tinatalakay sa plenary session nuong nakaraang Linggo ang usapin sa ikalawang impeachment complaint laban sa Ate Glo, ito'y matapos pumusisyon ang CBCP na “lumahok sa impeachment complaint at hanapin ang katotohanan” at matapos isimuti ni Bishop Yniguez ang kanyang bersyon ng impeachment complaint sa Tongreso. Sa takot ng palasyo, muling ginamit ang buong arsenal, resources ng Malakanyang at isinagawa ang “special ops” sa CBCP.
Layunin ng panunuhol na “palambutin, himasin, hilutin, paamuhin, kumbinsihin” ang mga Obispo na itakwil ang panukalang kampanyang impeachment ng oposisyon. Magtagumpay man ang Palasyo o hindi, lumabas man ang katotohanan o hindi, tulad ng ipinamamarali ng mga Obispo, ang mamamayan pa rin ang huling magpapasya, ang huling tutugun at ang kilusang naghahanap ng katarungan at demokratisasyon ang siyang huling aasahang aagapay.
Ano ba ang papel at paninindigan ng simbahan? Simple lang ang alam ko, siya'y bahagi rin ng isang lipunan, isang mamamayan, isang tao, may malasakit, may damdamin, may paninindigan, may misyon at may layunin, walang kadahi-dahilan upang ang simbahan ay magbulag-bulagan, manhid at walang pakialam. Ginagamit lang ng “maysayad sa utak” na pulitiko na wala raw karapatan ang simbahan na makiaalam sa pulitiko, may sepration daw ang simbahan sa estado?
Bakit biglang hindi na pu-pwedeng maki-alam ang simbahan sa estado? Bakit nung panahon ni Erap (isyu ng moralidad), gumuhit ang simbahan, nung panahon ni Marcos, taya pato ang simbahan (Cardinal Sin at CBCP) at ibinalagbag pa nga ang imahe ni Mama Mary sa Edsa! Bakit ginarote sa Cavite ang tatlong bayani nating si Fr Gomez, Burgos at Zamora? Ang hirap sa mga trapo, pulitikong ipokrita, kung sila ang gaganansya, kung sila ang tatabo't sasahod, kung sila ang makikinabang PUPWEDE, kung sa mga kalaban nila, biglang hindi na pwede?
Hindi nalalyo ang isyu ng pamilya, ng panlipunan at moralidad sa isyu ng politika o ang “bagong” politika”, na tumutuligsa sa TRAPO at pangungurakot. Kung ang simbahan ay ang mamamayan. Kung ang citizens ay aktibo (active citizenship), walang dahilan upang hindi maging aktibo ang simbahan. Kung nakasalalay at nanganganib ang panlipunang katiwasayan ang isang pamilya, moralidad at ang citizens ay aktibong makikialam, maaaring bansagan siyang social activist, walang dahilan upang ang mga Obispo ay hindi maging “social activist”.
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 13, 2006
Hindi pa lubusang napapanatag ang pulitika sa bansa. Ayon sa ilang taga-palasyo, “nananatiling may residual threats sa bahay ng palasyo”. Kung sa bagay, ikaw rin ang lumagay sa katayuan ni Ate Glo, “survival mode”, lugmuk at “strong republic kuno”, inutil, hawak sa ilong ng pulitiko at ng mga Heneral. Ang tronong “pinaka-worst na presidente sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas.” Mahirap ng matulad kay Erap, lahat na lang ay gagawin upang tumagal hanggang 2013. Nandiyan gamitin ang Batas Pambansa 880 ni Marcos, ang RA 1017, General Order number 5, ang “emergency power”, ang CPR-“no permit no rally” at ang 464.
Unang binalasubas ang ilang matataas na pamunuang sa PNP-AFP nung nakaraang taon (July, '05), pinakamatinding hambalos at kamuntikanang natuluyan si Ate Glo (kapanahunan nagbitiw ang Hyatt 10, Drilon-LP wing, Tita Cory, Makati Business Club, PCCP).
Ikalawang bigwas ay ang labanan sa numero (numbers game) nung kainitan ng unang impeachment complaint sa Tongreso na kung saan, malaking bilang ng oposisyon ay bigla na lamang nanahimik, pinag-byahe at nagsirkuhan. Bumaha ng dinero at nabiyayaan ng maraming proyekto ang mga distritong kumontra sa impeachment. Naambunan din ang hanay ng mga LGUs na ginamit panalba sa naghihinglong gubyerno ni Ate Glo. Parang kidlat na naidiliver agad ang milyung “pork barrel” sa mga Tongresman at LGUs, kasabay namang inipit, binara at nawalang ng inaasahang pondo ang sa oposisyon.
Ikatlong dagok ay nung February, '06, pinkamatinding bagyo't tornadong sasalpok sana sa Malakanyang.
Muling tumabo ang ilang matataas na pamunuan ng AFP-PNP sa pagsunod, pagtalima, pag-agapay sa commander-in chief. Ilan sa mga usap-usapan, payat ang P50.0 milyon sa kada heneral, huwag lang bibitaw sa palasyo at huwag kumagat sa kakaramput na “offer” ng oposisyon na wala pang P5.0 milyon. The “price is right” ika nga!
Ang pinakahuli at kamuntikanang sinupalpalan (ayos lang sa ilang obispo?) bagamat nabulilyaso ay ang CBCP. Masyadong binarat, cheap eka nga ang mga Obispo. Isang malaking “insulto”, isipin mong P20,000 hanggang P30,000 lamang ang laman ng envelop? Ayon kay Arsobispo Fernando Capalla ng Davao at kasalukuyang presidente ng CBCP, “sa dokumentong inilabas ng PAGCOR, mayroong P500,000 hanggang P4.0 milyon ang inialok sa ilang Obispo; kay Bishop Vidal ng Cebu at kay Aniceto ng San Fernando. Hindi masisisi ang ating mga magigiting na Obispo, tao rin ang mga ito't may kahinaan din.
May pagka-suwabe ang dating, pinalabas pang isa lamang “donasyon”, “financial assistance” at proyektong pambayan (botika ng bayan) at agapay para sa mahihirap. Anuman termino ang gamitin, pagbali-baligtarin mo man, kahit saan tignan, mapailalim, mapaibabaw, mapasisid, mapatagilid, ano man ang kahulugan (the end justify the means) nito, maliwanag na imoral yan, lagay, kurakot, parang TONG yan sa SAKLAAN, bribery yan mula sa sugal, mula sa gambling lord at mula sa dugo't pawis ng country. Kung kaya't hindi malayong paniwalaang tumatanggap ang ilang Obispo (kahit noon pa), mula sa masasamg elemento ng gubyerno, sa drug lord, smuggling lord at mula sa pulitiko (trapo).
Gustong suklian ni Ate Glo ang “pagtatalaga sa kanya ng Diyos bilang presidente.“ Gusto pang palabasing “mapagbigay, mabait, palabasing matulungin sa mahihirap at relihiyoso si Ate Glo sa mga Obispo (bakit hindi idiretsyo nlang sa tao, sa barangay o sa DSWD ang tulong!).
Idiniliver ng mensahero ng Malakanyang ang suhol sa mga kasapi ng CBCP nung kasalukuyang pinagpapasyahan at tinatalakay sa plenary session nuong nakaraang Linggo ang usapin sa ikalawang impeachment complaint laban sa Ate Glo, ito'y matapos pumusisyon ang CBCP na “lumahok sa impeachment complaint at hanapin ang katotohanan” at matapos isimuti ni Bishop Yniguez ang kanyang bersyon ng impeachment complaint sa Tongreso. Sa takot ng palasyo, muling ginamit ang buong arsenal, resources ng Malakanyang at isinagawa ang “special ops” sa CBCP.
Layunin ng panunuhol na “palambutin, himasin, hilutin, paamuhin, kumbinsihin” ang mga Obispo na itakwil ang panukalang kampanyang impeachment ng oposisyon. Magtagumpay man ang Palasyo o hindi, lumabas man ang katotohanan o hindi, tulad ng ipinamamarali ng mga Obispo, ang mamamayan pa rin ang huling magpapasya, ang huling tutugun at ang kilusang naghahanap ng katarungan at demokratisasyon ang siyang huling aasahang aagapay.
Ano ba ang papel at paninindigan ng simbahan? Simple lang ang alam ko, siya'y bahagi rin ng isang lipunan, isang mamamayan, isang tao, may malasakit, may damdamin, may paninindigan, may misyon at may layunin, walang kadahi-dahilan upang ang simbahan ay magbulag-bulagan, manhid at walang pakialam. Ginagamit lang ng “maysayad sa utak” na pulitiko na wala raw karapatan ang simbahan na makiaalam sa pulitiko, may sepration daw ang simbahan sa estado?
Bakit biglang hindi na pu-pwedeng maki-alam ang simbahan sa estado? Bakit nung panahon ni Erap (isyu ng moralidad), gumuhit ang simbahan, nung panahon ni Marcos, taya pato ang simbahan (Cardinal Sin at CBCP) at ibinalagbag pa nga ang imahe ni Mama Mary sa Edsa! Bakit ginarote sa Cavite ang tatlong bayani nating si Fr Gomez, Burgos at Zamora? Ang hirap sa mga trapo, pulitikong ipokrita, kung sila ang gaganansya, kung sila ang tatabo't sasahod, kung sila ang makikinabang PUPWEDE, kung sa mga kalaban nila, biglang hindi na pwede?
Hindi nalalyo ang isyu ng pamilya, ng panlipunan at moralidad sa isyu ng politika o ang “bagong” politika”, na tumutuligsa sa TRAPO at pangungurakot. Kung ang simbahan ay ang mamamayan. Kung ang citizens ay aktibo (active citizenship), walang dahilan upang hindi maging aktibo ang simbahan. Kung nakasalalay at nanganganib ang panlipunang katiwasayan ang isang pamilya, moralidad at ang citizens ay aktibong makikialam, maaaring bansagan siyang social activist, walang dahilan upang ang mga Obispo ay hindi maging “social activist”.
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 13, 2006
Wednesday, July 12, 2006
General Danilo Lim Statement / ‘The guns are locked and cocked
DECLARATION
WE, THE OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE PHILIPPINES (AFP) AND THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE (PNP), loyal to God and country and to our duty under the Constitution, do hereby make the following declarations:
A crisis of extreme proportions now confronts our people. The economy, the rule of law and the moral order lie in ruins. Political, judicial and economic power, as well as the power of the mass media, has been perverted to inflict and justify high crimes against the Filipino people. More and more among our people no longer eat, while the idle rich and the corrupt live like kings. Minority rule has replaced majority rule. The three branches of government are now in total disarray, the entire system has broken down, thanks to a President whose legitimacy is denied by the vast majority of our people.
Corruption has not only become a way of life among those in power. It has also become the most effective means of destroying our country and people. Mrs. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has played a key role in promoting corruption to its present levels. In her mad desire for power, she has corrupted and destroyed all institutions. She has
promoted a policy of loot and plunder while hypocritically announcing a war against corruption.
She has corrupted the justices of the Supreme Court, the entire Commission on Elections, the mass media, some members of the military, the police and the clergy, and countless teachers who took part in counting the votes in the last elections. She is not only the most corrupt official of the country today but she is also its number
one corruptor.
We cannot stand idly by while the rule of law, the moral order, the integrity of our institutions, the very future of our country and people, and our own professional careers are destroyed by this bogus President. We cannot afford to do nothing while she and her cohorts turn our government into a criminal syndicate. We cannot
allow ourselves to be used as a tool of injustice and oppression. We must act, and we must act now.
Pursuant, therefore, to our constitutional duty as "protector of the people and the State," we have today withdrawn our support for Mrs. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, in order to end her unconstitutional and illegal occupation of the Presidency.
This we have done to restore the rule of law and public morality, the legitimacy and accountability of government, the integrity of our public institutions, the sanctity of the democratic process, and the trust and confidence of our people and the rest of
the world.
We call on all our comrades-in-arms to discharge their genuine responsibilities to our people with full dedication and fervor. We call on our people to support the men and women at the forefront of this undertaking. We call on Mrs. Arroyo to accept gracefully the formation of a new government.
As soldiers, we do not seek political power for ourselves. But we shall not allow anyone to use political power to commit crimes against our people or to pursue their own personal agenda, at the expense of the national interest. We shall maintain law and order, prevent any group from taking advantage of the situation, and protect
the innocent from all possible harm. We shall leave the actual business of governing the nation in the hands of professionally competent, morally upright, patriotic, trustworthy and self-sacrificing Filipinos whom we now invite to form a new
government.
This may be our last chance correct our past mistakes. We cannot afford to fail. We must not fail.
We appeal to everyone to give this effort a chance to succeed. We appeal to all our people to unite and extend all the support and counsel which the new government will need from them. We pray to Almighty God to bless our efforts and keep us pure and strong in this hour of need.
Mabuhay ang Pilipinas!
The guns are locked and cocked
‘The guns are locked and cocked. One itchy finger and the mayhem starts.’
The gloves are off. The military leadership has bundled off Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim, alleged leader of a reported plot last February to withdraw military support from President Arroyo, to a "detention facility" (read that military stockade) in Tanay, Rizal. Enough of the courtesy of restricting the former commanding general of the Scout Rangers to quarters pending the filing of charges against him.
The hardliners in the military are now ascendant. Yesterday, Malacañang announced that Army chief Lt. Gen. Hermogenes Esperon will succeed Gen. Generoso Senga who is retiring as AFP chief on July 21. Senga is now a lameduck. Any chance that Senga would reject a military panel’s recommendation to haul Lim before a court martial has now evaporated. The likelihood is Senga would leave the decision to his successor. And as we understand it, Esperon has long been after Lim’s head.
The Philippine Military Academy has its own ethos (Lim entered the US Military Academy after spending his plebe year at the PMA). Some might view Senga’s seeming kid-glove treatment of Lim as outright coddling. But by their honor code, Senga is bound to reciprocate Lim’s display of the highest respect to a superior when he disclosed and implicitly sought support for the plan to march unarmed but in full uniform to the Edsa Shrine.
Additionally, Senga may have pragmatic reasons for not immediately throwing the book at Lim. The restiveness in the military continues to simmer. A hastily convened court martial against Lim may provoke the mutiny the AFP leadership is seeking to avoid.
Last week’s roundup of most of the Magdalo officers who had escaped from detention appears to have given the AFP leadership the confidence to abandon its policy of leniency. The fact, however, is that there is no evidence tying Lim, whose support appears to come mostly from senior colonels and a few generals, to the Magdalo, which is composed mainly of junior officers.
The stabilizing presence of Senga will be missed in the days to become.
Interestingly, succeeding Esperon at the helm of the Army is Maj. Gen. Romeo Tolentino, chief of the Northern Luzon Command. Tolentino is a relative unknown. But the few times he has been on the news have been revealing. When it was reported that some fugitive Magdalo officers were making the rounds of military camps, Tolentino issued a curt and straightforward order, "Shoot them on sight."
The guns are locked and cocked. One itchy finger and the mayhem starts.
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul13/edtorde.htm
WE, THE OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE PHILIPPINES (AFP) AND THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE (PNP), loyal to God and country and to our duty under the Constitution, do hereby make the following declarations:
A crisis of extreme proportions now confronts our people. The economy, the rule of law and the moral order lie in ruins. Political, judicial and economic power, as well as the power of the mass media, has been perverted to inflict and justify high crimes against the Filipino people. More and more among our people no longer eat, while the idle rich and the corrupt live like kings. Minority rule has replaced majority rule. The three branches of government are now in total disarray, the entire system has broken down, thanks to a President whose legitimacy is denied by the vast majority of our people.
Corruption has not only become a way of life among those in power. It has also become the most effective means of destroying our country and people. Mrs. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has played a key role in promoting corruption to its present levels. In her mad desire for power, she has corrupted and destroyed all institutions. She has
promoted a policy of loot and plunder while hypocritically announcing a war against corruption.
She has corrupted the justices of the Supreme Court, the entire Commission on Elections, the mass media, some members of the military, the police and the clergy, and countless teachers who took part in counting the votes in the last elections. She is not only the most corrupt official of the country today but she is also its number
one corruptor.
We cannot stand idly by while the rule of law, the moral order, the integrity of our institutions, the very future of our country and people, and our own professional careers are destroyed by this bogus President. We cannot afford to do nothing while she and her cohorts turn our government into a criminal syndicate. We cannot
allow ourselves to be used as a tool of injustice and oppression. We must act, and we must act now.
Pursuant, therefore, to our constitutional duty as "protector of the people and the State," we have today withdrawn our support for Mrs. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, in order to end her unconstitutional and illegal occupation of the Presidency.
This we have done to restore the rule of law and public morality, the legitimacy and accountability of government, the integrity of our public institutions, the sanctity of the democratic process, and the trust and confidence of our people and the rest of
the world.
We call on all our comrades-in-arms to discharge their genuine responsibilities to our people with full dedication and fervor. We call on our people to support the men and women at the forefront of this undertaking. We call on Mrs. Arroyo to accept gracefully the formation of a new government.
As soldiers, we do not seek political power for ourselves. But we shall not allow anyone to use political power to commit crimes against our people or to pursue their own personal agenda, at the expense of the national interest. We shall maintain law and order, prevent any group from taking advantage of the situation, and protect
the innocent from all possible harm. We shall leave the actual business of governing the nation in the hands of professionally competent, morally upright, patriotic, trustworthy and self-sacrificing Filipinos whom we now invite to form a new
government.
This may be our last chance correct our past mistakes. We cannot afford to fail. We must not fail.
We appeal to everyone to give this effort a chance to succeed. We appeal to all our people to unite and extend all the support and counsel which the new government will need from them. We pray to Almighty God to bless our efforts and keep us pure and strong in this hour of need.
Mabuhay ang Pilipinas!
The guns are locked and cocked
‘The guns are locked and cocked. One itchy finger and the mayhem starts.’
The gloves are off. The military leadership has bundled off Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim, alleged leader of a reported plot last February to withdraw military support from President Arroyo, to a "detention facility" (read that military stockade) in Tanay, Rizal. Enough of the courtesy of restricting the former commanding general of the Scout Rangers to quarters pending the filing of charges against him.
The hardliners in the military are now ascendant. Yesterday, Malacañang announced that Army chief Lt. Gen. Hermogenes Esperon will succeed Gen. Generoso Senga who is retiring as AFP chief on July 21. Senga is now a lameduck. Any chance that Senga would reject a military panel’s recommendation to haul Lim before a court martial has now evaporated. The likelihood is Senga would leave the decision to his successor. And as we understand it, Esperon has long been after Lim’s head.
The Philippine Military Academy has its own ethos (Lim entered the US Military Academy after spending his plebe year at the PMA). Some might view Senga’s seeming kid-glove treatment of Lim as outright coddling. But by their honor code, Senga is bound to reciprocate Lim’s display of the highest respect to a superior when he disclosed and implicitly sought support for the plan to march unarmed but in full uniform to the Edsa Shrine.
Additionally, Senga may have pragmatic reasons for not immediately throwing the book at Lim. The restiveness in the military continues to simmer. A hastily convened court martial against Lim may provoke the mutiny the AFP leadership is seeking to avoid.
Last week’s roundup of most of the Magdalo officers who had escaped from detention appears to have given the AFP leadership the confidence to abandon its policy of leniency. The fact, however, is that there is no evidence tying Lim, whose support appears to come mostly from senior colonels and a few generals, to the Magdalo, which is composed mainly of junior officers.
The stabilizing presence of Senga will be missed in the days to become.
Interestingly, succeeding Esperon at the helm of the Army is Maj. Gen. Romeo Tolentino, chief of the Northern Luzon Command. Tolentino is a relative unknown. But the few times he has been on the news have been revealing. When it was reported that some fugitive Magdalo officers were making the rounds of military camps, Tolentino issued a curt and straightforward order, "Shoot them on sight."
The guns are locked and cocked. One itchy finger and the mayhem starts.
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul13/edtorde.htm
May isang bilyon man o wala, "kusang hihina ang Kaliwa?" Part 2
Kamakailan lang, nag-labas si Ate Glo ng isang bilyon pisong pondo (P1.0 bilyon) upang sawatain ang kilusang komunista sa bansa. Layon nitong magsagawa ng matinding counter insurgency na siyang dudurug sa CPP-NPA sa loob lamang ng dalawa hanggang tatlong taon. Ibig sabihin, bago matapos ang kanyang termino sa 2010, ganap na raw maigugupo ang mga komunista? Kenkoy at nakakabahala itong panawagan ni Ate Glo, pulis at militar lamang ang mabubusog at makikinabang dito. Yung classroom lang, yung traffic lang, yung iskwater lang, ang pangungurakot lang, pagbibilang lang ng boto ay 'di mareso-resolba, ito pang kilusang komunismo? Kung kailan papahina na ang CPP, gusto pa yata nitong palakasin, isalba, buhayin, paramihin at patatagin.
Tayo na ang may pinakamatagal na communist insurgency sa Asia. Mula 1930s, sa pamumuno ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas, nagsimulang bumulwak ang Kaliwa bago at matapos ang Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig (WWII). Sumambulat bilang isang rebolusyunaryong kilusan sa Gitnang Luzon, Kalakhang Manila hanggang sa iba pang bahagi ng Pilipinas. Sa mahigit dalawampung taong pakikibaka (1950s), nagapi ang insureksyon at rebelyon. Matapos ang ilang taong paghupa, muling namukadkad noong 1960s, kasabay ng pag-igting ng “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” sa Tsina. Nagsimula sa 150 kadre't mandirigmang guerilla nung 1968, daynamikong bumulusuk nung first quarter storm (FQS) ang kilusang estudyante nung 1970.
Umastang kartel-monopolyo ang CPP-NPA-NDF sa pakikibakang anti-diktadurya nung dekada '70. Lumobo ito ng mahigit kumulang na 25-35,000 armed guerilla nung dekada ‘80.
Tumanggap ng sunud-sunod na tactical error, humina nung huling bahagi ng taong ‘80 at unang bahagi ng dekada '90. Tinatantyang mayroon na lamang itong 7-10,000 hukbo at kulang-kulang isang milyong simpatisador at mga kasapi. Sa panawagang “national demokratikong rebolusyon” at classic na Maoistang istratehiyang “people's protracted war,” nagsimula ang samut-saring debate sa loob ng balangkas na pagsusuring ginamit sa Lipunang Pilipinas.
Subalit, sa unang quarto ng dekada 80s, sa katindihan ng pasismo, sa kalagayang nasa bingit na ng pagbagsak ang diktadurya, sumambulat at tumindi ang open-legal mass movement sa kalunsuran. Ang pagpaslang kay Ninoy Aquino, ang pagbagsak kay Marcos at pagbabalik ng constitutional democracy, nagsimula ng pag-aralan, magmuni-muni, suriin at i-evaluate nito ang istratehiya't taktika ng partido.
Una, ang diin ay sa kanayunan kontra kalunsuran;
Ikalawa, ang armadong pakikibaka laban sa 'di armado at
Ikatlo; Kilusang Lihim (UG) kontra sa open-legal na pag-oorganisa't pakikibaka.
Sa kabila ng alingasngas at debate sa loob, ipinaggitgitan ang patakarang iboykot ang February 1986 Presidential “snap election”. Ilang araw matapos ang pinakamaduming election sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, sumabog ang “Edsa Revolution”. Nalagay sa gilid-gilid ang CPP-NPA-NDF, hindi nakibahagi, nagpabaya at hindi napamunuan ang isa sa makasaysayang pipol power rebolusyon ng mundo.
Masakit man tanggapin (sapagkat naging kabahagi rin tayo dito), mga unang taon ng dekada 90s, nagsimulang nanghina, nadis-orient ang kilusang kaliwa sa Pilipinas. Ito ba'y dahil sa husay ng anti-isurgency campaign ng US, Cory, FVR ni GMA, dahil ba sa DPA agent (OPML, AHOS)? Ano kayo hilo, syempre maliwanag na hindi!
Mahilig tayong mangopya't humalaw (junket) sa labas, Brazil-Lula,Chavez, Morales ng Bolivia, South-East Asia at kung saan-saan, samantalang super yaman tayo sa karanasan dito. Bode-bodega na ang mga datos natin (emperical data), hindi naman naisasa-theorya (theorizing,). Walang dudang tama si Marx at Lenin, sa panahon nila. Sa konteksto ng China, korek si Mao, totoong matalino si Trotsky at umangkop si Kasamang Fidel sa Cuba at si Ho Chi Minh ng Vietnam.
Kaya lang, sa ngayon, ibang-iba na! Malaki na ang ipinagbago ng mundo at lokal na konteksto. Hindi na lamang simpleng US Imperialism, feudalism ang labanan sa ngayon, usap-usapan na rin ang global imperialism-global authority, WTO, neo-liberalism at paglakas ng transnationalization. Ano ang isang epekto nito?
Humina ang soberanya't estado ng mga bansang tulad ng Pilipinas. Kasabay ng rumaragasang Globalization, nabulilyaso ang socialist experiment sa Europa, bumagsak ang Berlin Wall at nagwakas ang cold war, naiwang nag-iisa ang imperyalistang Kano at Iraq, Afghanistan, Al Queda,Iran, Mindanao at langis na ang pangunahing pinagka-kaabalahan nito.
Hindi na uubra ang “class based” (batay sa uri-mapang-aping uri) at direktang nakatuon palagi sa estado ang panawagan. Hindi na sumasapat ang structural analysis, ang istratehiyang “people's protracted war” at insureksyon. Lumabo na ang “vanguardism,” “abanteng destakamento,” at “uring manggagawa, hukbong mapagpalaya.” Tanggapin man natin o hindi, ito ang nagdudumilat na katotohanan! Kung dati-rati'y may buto sa gulugud, may political authority (democratic institution) ang mga estato, ngayon ay halos palamuti na lamang sila sa mata ng mundo. Ano ang mga palatandaan nito?
1. Financial authority na sa ngayon ang lumalabas na siga-siga (non-elected) mapagpasya't makapangyarihan sa patakarang pampulitika (IMF-WB, ADB, Multi-Lateral Agency at iba pa).
2. Lumilitaw ang iba't-ibang non-government organization para tapatan at sabayan ang inutil na estado. Sila ang umako bilang tagapamandila, tagapamagitan at mediator (NGOs-POs) sa marginalized sector ng bansa.
Maraming naitayong non-party political formation at political blocs. NGOs ang nag-provide, nagsuma, nag-theorized ng pang-ideolohiya't pang-organisasyon, distinctly political at developmental work sa balangkas ng “people empowerment.”
3. Dahil weak ang estado, lumaki ang papel ng pribado, negosyo at korporasyon. Ang ilan litaw; dating Kongresman Mark Jimenez (nagpaluwal ng milyun-milyon sa Plan holder, umuupak sa ismagler na si Lucio Co ng Puregold), Danding Cojuanco, Lucio Tan, Yuchenco, Taipan, (mga foundation ng ABS-CBN at GMA-7) Wowowee-Ultra, media, mga Drug at Gambling Lord. Sila ngayon ang mas may malaking impluwensya sa gubyerno't mamamayan.
Marami sa atin maso't karet, ND pa rin ang asal at gawi. Marami sa atin, istilong "UG" pa rin ang taglay . Walang problema basta't nauunawaan, popular ang lenguwaheng gamit, naiintindihan at tanggap tayo ng mamamayan. Kung hindi tayo magsusuri at magmumuni-muni, "may isang bilyon pondo man o wala si GMA, kusang hihina ang Kaliwa sa Pilipinas.
Hamon sa atin
Hindi nangangahulugang humupa na ang kilusan sa Pilipinas sa tulad na ipinamamarali ng iba. Sa katunayan, mas dumarami, nag-uusbungan at nakakalat ang mga nga ito. Nasa atin na lamang kung bukas tayo, kung makikipag- ugnayan tayo,makikipag-lasolidaridad, seryoso at tanggaping ang batayan ng pagkakaisa ng mga grupong ito.
Nagkakaiba-iba ang hugis ng identidad, porma ng kolektibong pagkilos, interest at tipo ng organisasyon ng mga kilusang ito. Tanggapin na nating maaring hindi na ito tulad ng inaasam-asam nating parti-partido at oraganisasyong pang-sektoral. Hindi na pupwede ang turfing, gapangan, kahuyan at pirating ng mga tao-tao. Lalong hindi na uubra ngayon ang sektarianismo, "ang kami lang ang tama, kami lang ang wasto, kami lang ang maliligtas, kami lang ang may dala ng tamang patnubay at direksyon. Hindi na uubra ang ideologically oriented na samahan.
Ang “in” ngayon, ang click ngayon, ang uso ngayon ay dia-dialogo, diskurso o conso- consortium. May “kababawan”, sa kabilang abanda bukas at ‘di nagsasara ng anumang direksyon o posibilidad. Ilan sa kanila’y may ispasyong inilalatag sa adhikaing politikal at higit sa lahat, popular, sapol at interests ito ng mamamayan.
May mga nakatayo-itinatatag na grupong seryoso sa electoral reform, mga alyansang nananawagan ng constitutional reform, maka-kalikasan-ekolohiya, military-reformer advocates, pang sports, showbiz at entertainment. May lumalaking grupo ng ICT (information at communication technology) E-group, Bloggers at OFW (overseas Filipino workers) advocates, karapatang pambata, peace and order, human rights (tutok sa state at non-state), kilusang pang-ekonomyang nakatutuk sa masalimuot na isyu ng finacial crisis, may grupong (NGO-POs) nagmamalasakit sa isyu ng pampublikong yutilidad (Maynilad -tubig, kuryente, pabahay), mga neighborhood-magkapitbahay association, hanay ng simbahan at ang isyu ng moralidad (prostitusyon, gambling/weteng), grupo ng sex workers at marami pang iba. Hindi na lamang nalilimita sa isyung sektoral.
Totoong lumalala ang krisis pampulitika ng bansa. Kaya lang, sabay-sabay, maraming klaseng krisis ang tumatama sa country, nadiyan ang krisis sa moralidad, pangkultura’t pang- ekonomya. Nagdidiversify, nakumplika’t nauuwi sa iba’t ibang klaseng pamamaraan at taktika ang mga krisis. Mangangailangan na ito ng kasanayang (skills) teknikal (pananaliksik at pangangalap ng datos) ang mga laban.
Walang dudang lumaki at nagdiversify ang sektor ng kababaihan. Hindi na lamang simpleng isyu ito ng matriarkal at patriarkal. Kalat-kalat, iba-iba ang agenda at patuloy ang pagiging watak-watak, debate at pag-aaway.
Nagbago na rin ang sitwasyon sa sektor ng manggagawa. Ang nakakalungkot, may kilusang unyonismo at kilusang manggagawa na nananawagan ng “tunay, palaban at makabayan” at nakikipag-balitaktakan sa usapin ng unyunismo laban sa dilawang unyumismo, peke at genuine. Kung may “unyunista at may aktibista sa hanay ng paggawa, may nagrere- presenta ng Partido ng Manggagawa at vanguard party."
Kasabay nito, malaki ang ipinagbago at hugis ng industriya. Hindi na lamang usapin ng bansa't mk-bansa, bagkus kinukunsidera na rin ang lagay ng globalisadong lagay ng pang-rehiyon. Malaking bahagi ng pabrika’y halos nagsara na’t inililipat na sa kalapit bansa.
Nakakalito na rin ang kalagayan ng sistema ng employment sa bansa. Nagbabago ang kahulugan at konsepto ng trabaho, hanapbuhay at tunay na kahulugan ng “full employment” ayon sa isinasaad na standard ng International Labor Organization (ILO).
Ang nakakalungkot, ang mahalaga sa tao ngayon ay ang pagkakaroon ng trabaho (regular o hindi, maliit o mababa ang sahod, may equity ba o wala, kung may seguridad o wala, kung may dignidad o wala, kung tama ba o pinili ba niya ang trabaho o napilitan lamang). Isa pang pangitain ang lumalaking bilang ng child labor sa bansa (isa sa pinakamarami sa Asia). Ultimo nga IRAQ ay susuungin ng Pinoy basta’t may hanapbuhay at sapat na dolyar na mauuwi sa pamilya.
Laganap ngayon ang inpormalisasyon (informal economy) ng paggawa. Subukan mong baybayin ang Commonwealth Avenue at makikitang may 10,000 vendor ang nakabalagbag sa bagketa’t nagtitinda. Araw-araw sa ginawa ng diyos na nire-raid ito ng MMDA. Mas malaki na ang bilang ng kontrakwal kaysa sa regular na manggagawa. 80% ng kabuuang manggagawa sa kasalukuyan ay inpormal. Malaki rin ang problema sa hanay ng pormal na
employment sapagkat nakakaranas pa rin ng paglabag sa requirement ito ng pag- eempleyo. Talamak ang sistemang trainee ng anim na buwan, walang SSS at walang benepisyo.
Habang patuloy na lumiliit ang bilang ng Unyon, lumalaki naman ang bilang ng “independent union”. Naglilitawan ang mga bagong tipo ng samahan, mga bagong “asosasyon o ibang tipo ng samahan” na itinatayo sa pagawaan.
Kumplikado na rin ang hanay ng magsasaka. May worker-peasant na tinatawag at may usaping magkaiba ba raw ang magsasaka sa pesante? Minsan nagiging parokyal ang interest ng bawat isa (pinalalabas na may kontradiksyon o magka-contra fellow pa ang magsasaka sa manggagawa). May kanya-kanyang tinutungtungang environment, agenda at kadalasa’y nag-iiba-iba ang engagement.
Hindi na lamang simpleng debate sa tactical engagement (diversification of areas of engagement), ang usapin ngayon, kundi ay kung sino ang may wasto at epektibong may basa (reading) sa nilulugarang konteksto o sektor. Ang hamon sa ngayon ay kung ang isyu-usapin ay contestable o kayang icontest ang laban? Ang hamon sa ngayon ay kung paano kikilalanin ng mas malawak na diskurso sa politika, pang-ekonomya’t usapin ng demokratisasyon.
Hindi na lamang usapin ito ng pagiging “rebolusyunaryo, nananawagan ng reporma o ang pagiging repormista” o isahang pagtingin ng mga bagay-bagay (plurarity). Ang isa ng malaking katanungan ngayon ay kung paano mapapaunlad ang kapasidad ng mamamayan bilang mamamayan (political at civil citizenship) at bilang social citizenship na may imahinasyon, mapanglikha at compassionate!
Sources:
Patino, Norman. Emerging Activism.
Activist School Session. November, 2004.
Doy Cinco
July 12, 2006
Tayo na ang may pinakamatagal na communist insurgency sa Asia. Mula 1930s, sa pamumuno ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas, nagsimulang bumulwak ang Kaliwa bago at matapos ang Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig (WWII). Sumambulat bilang isang rebolusyunaryong kilusan sa Gitnang Luzon, Kalakhang Manila hanggang sa iba pang bahagi ng Pilipinas. Sa mahigit dalawampung taong pakikibaka (1950s), nagapi ang insureksyon at rebelyon. Matapos ang ilang taong paghupa, muling namukadkad noong 1960s, kasabay ng pag-igting ng “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” sa Tsina. Nagsimula sa 150 kadre't mandirigmang guerilla nung 1968, daynamikong bumulusuk nung first quarter storm (FQS) ang kilusang estudyante nung 1970.
Umastang kartel-monopolyo ang CPP-NPA-NDF sa pakikibakang anti-diktadurya nung dekada '70. Lumobo ito ng mahigit kumulang na 25-35,000 armed guerilla nung dekada ‘80.
Tumanggap ng sunud-sunod na tactical error, humina nung huling bahagi ng taong ‘80 at unang bahagi ng dekada '90. Tinatantyang mayroon na lamang itong 7-10,000 hukbo at kulang-kulang isang milyong simpatisador at mga kasapi. Sa panawagang “national demokratikong rebolusyon” at classic na Maoistang istratehiyang “people's protracted war,” nagsimula ang samut-saring debate sa loob ng balangkas na pagsusuring ginamit sa Lipunang Pilipinas.
Subalit, sa unang quarto ng dekada 80s, sa katindihan ng pasismo, sa kalagayang nasa bingit na ng pagbagsak ang diktadurya, sumambulat at tumindi ang open-legal mass movement sa kalunsuran. Ang pagpaslang kay Ninoy Aquino, ang pagbagsak kay Marcos at pagbabalik ng constitutional democracy, nagsimula ng pag-aralan, magmuni-muni, suriin at i-evaluate nito ang istratehiya't taktika ng partido.
Una, ang diin ay sa kanayunan kontra kalunsuran;
Ikalawa, ang armadong pakikibaka laban sa 'di armado at
Ikatlo; Kilusang Lihim (UG) kontra sa open-legal na pag-oorganisa't pakikibaka.
Sa kabila ng alingasngas at debate sa loob, ipinaggitgitan ang patakarang iboykot ang February 1986 Presidential “snap election”. Ilang araw matapos ang pinakamaduming election sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, sumabog ang “Edsa Revolution”. Nalagay sa gilid-gilid ang CPP-NPA-NDF, hindi nakibahagi, nagpabaya at hindi napamunuan ang isa sa makasaysayang pipol power rebolusyon ng mundo.
Masakit man tanggapin (sapagkat naging kabahagi rin tayo dito), mga unang taon ng dekada 90s, nagsimulang nanghina, nadis-orient ang kilusang kaliwa sa Pilipinas. Ito ba'y dahil sa husay ng anti-isurgency campaign ng US, Cory, FVR ni GMA, dahil ba sa DPA agent (OPML, AHOS)? Ano kayo hilo, syempre maliwanag na hindi!
Mahilig tayong mangopya't humalaw (junket) sa labas, Brazil-Lula,Chavez, Morales ng Bolivia, South-East Asia at kung saan-saan, samantalang super yaman tayo sa karanasan dito. Bode-bodega na ang mga datos natin (emperical data), hindi naman naisasa-theorya (theorizing,). Walang dudang tama si Marx at Lenin, sa panahon nila. Sa konteksto ng China, korek si Mao, totoong matalino si Trotsky at umangkop si Kasamang Fidel sa Cuba at si Ho Chi Minh ng Vietnam.
Kaya lang, sa ngayon, ibang-iba na! Malaki na ang ipinagbago ng mundo at lokal na konteksto. Hindi na lamang simpleng US Imperialism, feudalism ang labanan sa ngayon, usap-usapan na rin ang global imperialism-global authority, WTO, neo-liberalism at paglakas ng transnationalization. Ano ang isang epekto nito?
Humina ang soberanya't estado ng mga bansang tulad ng Pilipinas. Kasabay ng rumaragasang Globalization, nabulilyaso ang socialist experiment sa Europa, bumagsak ang Berlin Wall at nagwakas ang cold war, naiwang nag-iisa ang imperyalistang Kano at Iraq, Afghanistan, Al Queda,Iran, Mindanao at langis na ang pangunahing pinagka-kaabalahan nito.
Hindi na uubra ang “class based” (batay sa uri-mapang-aping uri) at direktang nakatuon palagi sa estado ang panawagan. Hindi na sumasapat ang structural analysis, ang istratehiyang “people's protracted war” at insureksyon. Lumabo na ang “vanguardism,” “abanteng destakamento,” at “uring manggagawa, hukbong mapagpalaya.” Tanggapin man natin o hindi, ito ang nagdudumilat na katotohanan! Kung dati-rati'y may buto sa gulugud, may political authority (democratic institution) ang mga estato, ngayon ay halos palamuti na lamang sila sa mata ng mundo. Ano ang mga palatandaan nito?
1. Financial authority na sa ngayon ang lumalabas na siga-siga (non-elected) mapagpasya't makapangyarihan sa patakarang pampulitika (IMF-WB, ADB, Multi-Lateral Agency at iba pa).
2. Lumilitaw ang iba't-ibang non-government organization para tapatan at sabayan ang inutil na estado. Sila ang umako bilang tagapamandila, tagapamagitan at mediator (NGOs-POs) sa marginalized sector ng bansa.
Maraming naitayong non-party political formation at political blocs. NGOs ang nag-provide, nagsuma, nag-theorized ng pang-ideolohiya't pang-organisasyon, distinctly political at developmental work sa balangkas ng “people empowerment.”
3. Dahil weak ang estado, lumaki ang papel ng pribado, negosyo at korporasyon. Ang ilan litaw; dating Kongresman Mark Jimenez (nagpaluwal ng milyun-milyon sa Plan holder, umuupak sa ismagler na si Lucio Co ng Puregold), Danding Cojuanco, Lucio Tan, Yuchenco, Taipan, (mga foundation ng ABS-CBN at GMA-7) Wowowee-Ultra, media, mga Drug at Gambling Lord. Sila ngayon ang mas may malaking impluwensya sa gubyerno't mamamayan.
Marami sa atin maso't karet, ND pa rin ang asal at gawi. Marami sa atin, istilong "UG" pa rin ang taglay . Walang problema basta't nauunawaan, popular ang lenguwaheng gamit, naiintindihan at tanggap tayo ng mamamayan. Kung hindi tayo magsusuri at magmumuni-muni, "may isang bilyon pondo man o wala si GMA, kusang hihina ang Kaliwa sa Pilipinas.
Hamon sa atin
Hindi nangangahulugang humupa na ang kilusan sa Pilipinas sa tulad na ipinamamarali ng iba. Sa katunayan, mas dumarami, nag-uusbungan at nakakalat ang mga nga ito. Nasa atin na lamang kung bukas tayo, kung makikipag- ugnayan tayo,makikipag-lasolidaridad, seryoso at tanggaping ang batayan ng pagkakaisa ng mga grupong ito.
Nagkakaiba-iba ang hugis ng identidad, porma ng kolektibong pagkilos, interest at tipo ng organisasyon ng mga kilusang ito. Tanggapin na nating maaring hindi na ito tulad ng inaasam-asam nating parti-partido at oraganisasyong pang-sektoral. Hindi na pupwede ang turfing, gapangan, kahuyan at pirating ng mga tao-tao. Lalong hindi na uubra ngayon ang sektarianismo, "ang kami lang ang tama, kami lang ang wasto, kami lang ang maliligtas, kami lang ang may dala ng tamang patnubay at direksyon. Hindi na uubra ang ideologically oriented na samahan.
Ang “in” ngayon, ang click ngayon, ang uso ngayon ay dia-dialogo, diskurso o conso- consortium. May “kababawan”, sa kabilang abanda bukas at ‘di nagsasara ng anumang direksyon o posibilidad. Ilan sa kanila’y may ispasyong inilalatag sa adhikaing politikal at higit sa lahat, popular, sapol at interests ito ng mamamayan.
May mga nakatayo-itinatatag na grupong seryoso sa electoral reform, mga alyansang nananawagan ng constitutional reform, maka-kalikasan-ekolohiya, military-reformer advocates, pang sports, showbiz at entertainment. May lumalaking grupo ng ICT (information at communication technology) E-group, Bloggers at OFW (overseas Filipino workers) advocates, karapatang pambata, peace and order, human rights (tutok sa state at non-state), kilusang pang-ekonomyang nakatutuk sa masalimuot na isyu ng finacial crisis, may grupong (NGO-POs) nagmamalasakit sa isyu ng pampublikong yutilidad (Maynilad -tubig, kuryente, pabahay), mga neighborhood-magkapitbahay association, hanay ng simbahan at ang isyu ng moralidad (prostitusyon, gambling/weteng), grupo ng sex workers at marami pang iba. Hindi na lamang nalilimita sa isyung sektoral.
Totoong lumalala ang krisis pampulitika ng bansa. Kaya lang, sabay-sabay, maraming klaseng krisis ang tumatama sa country, nadiyan ang krisis sa moralidad, pangkultura’t pang- ekonomya. Nagdidiversify, nakumplika’t nauuwi sa iba’t ibang klaseng pamamaraan at taktika ang mga krisis. Mangangailangan na ito ng kasanayang (skills) teknikal (pananaliksik at pangangalap ng datos) ang mga laban.
Walang dudang lumaki at nagdiversify ang sektor ng kababaihan. Hindi na lamang simpleng isyu ito ng matriarkal at patriarkal. Kalat-kalat, iba-iba ang agenda at patuloy ang pagiging watak-watak, debate at pag-aaway.
Nagbago na rin ang sitwasyon sa sektor ng manggagawa. Ang nakakalungkot, may kilusang unyonismo at kilusang manggagawa na nananawagan ng “tunay, palaban at makabayan” at nakikipag-balitaktakan sa usapin ng unyunismo laban sa dilawang unyumismo, peke at genuine. Kung may “unyunista at may aktibista sa hanay ng paggawa, may nagrere- presenta ng Partido ng Manggagawa at vanguard party."
Kasabay nito, malaki ang ipinagbago at hugis ng industriya. Hindi na lamang usapin ng bansa't mk-bansa, bagkus kinukunsidera na rin ang lagay ng globalisadong lagay ng pang-rehiyon. Malaking bahagi ng pabrika’y halos nagsara na’t inililipat na sa kalapit bansa.
Nakakalito na rin ang kalagayan ng sistema ng employment sa bansa. Nagbabago ang kahulugan at konsepto ng trabaho, hanapbuhay at tunay na kahulugan ng “full employment” ayon sa isinasaad na standard ng International Labor Organization (ILO).
Ang nakakalungkot, ang mahalaga sa tao ngayon ay ang pagkakaroon ng trabaho (regular o hindi, maliit o mababa ang sahod, may equity ba o wala, kung may seguridad o wala, kung may dignidad o wala, kung tama ba o pinili ba niya ang trabaho o napilitan lamang). Isa pang pangitain ang lumalaking bilang ng child labor sa bansa (isa sa pinakamarami sa Asia). Ultimo nga IRAQ ay susuungin ng Pinoy basta’t may hanapbuhay at sapat na dolyar na mauuwi sa pamilya.
Laganap ngayon ang inpormalisasyon (informal economy) ng paggawa. Subukan mong baybayin ang Commonwealth Avenue at makikitang may 10,000 vendor ang nakabalagbag sa bagketa’t nagtitinda. Araw-araw sa ginawa ng diyos na nire-raid ito ng MMDA. Mas malaki na ang bilang ng kontrakwal kaysa sa regular na manggagawa. 80% ng kabuuang manggagawa sa kasalukuyan ay inpormal. Malaki rin ang problema sa hanay ng pormal na
employment sapagkat nakakaranas pa rin ng paglabag sa requirement ito ng pag- eempleyo. Talamak ang sistemang trainee ng anim na buwan, walang SSS at walang benepisyo.
Habang patuloy na lumiliit ang bilang ng Unyon, lumalaki naman ang bilang ng “independent union”. Naglilitawan ang mga bagong tipo ng samahan, mga bagong “asosasyon o ibang tipo ng samahan” na itinatayo sa pagawaan.
Kumplikado na rin ang hanay ng magsasaka. May worker-peasant na tinatawag at may usaping magkaiba ba raw ang magsasaka sa pesante? Minsan nagiging parokyal ang interest ng bawat isa (pinalalabas na may kontradiksyon o magka-contra fellow pa ang magsasaka sa manggagawa). May kanya-kanyang tinutungtungang environment, agenda at kadalasa’y nag-iiba-iba ang engagement.
Hindi na lamang simpleng debate sa tactical engagement (diversification of areas of engagement), ang usapin ngayon, kundi ay kung sino ang may wasto at epektibong may basa (reading) sa nilulugarang konteksto o sektor. Ang hamon sa ngayon ay kung ang isyu-usapin ay contestable o kayang icontest ang laban? Ang hamon sa ngayon ay kung paano kikilalanin ng mas malawak na diskurso sa politika, pang-ekonomya’t usapin ng demokratisasyon.
Hindi na lamang usapin ito ng pagiging “rebolusyunaryo, nananawagan ng reporma o ang pagiging repormista” o isahang pagtingin ng mga bagay-bagay (plurarity). Ang isa ng malaking katanungan ngayon ay kung paano mapapaunlad ang kapasidad ng mamamayan bilang mamamayan (political at civil citizenship) at bilang social citizenship na may imahinasyon, mapanglikha at compassionate!
Sources:
Patino, Norman. Emerging Activism.
Activist School Session. November, 2004.
Doy Cinco
July 12, 2006
ARCHIPELAGIC CONFEDERATION
Advancing Genuine Citizens’ Politics through Free Assemblies and Independent Structures from the Barangay & Communities
By: Bas Umali
Introduction
Many of us will agree that in our context, democracy seems elusive. Until now, a vast number of people are in extreme poverty, deprived of basic needs and are politically marginalized. We know that poverty is caused by the uneven distribution of power where only a few can decide over critical things such as the use of natural resources and distribution of its benefits. Who among us was ever asked or consulted by the government in its program of environmental destruction which is only profited big corporations which are controlled by a few families and foreign corporations? Did the government bother to ask peasants, farmers, fishers, workers, women, youth, gays, consumers and other sectors with regard to the country’s accession to the WTO and its conclusion of various bilateral agreements? Who wants E-VAT and debt payment?
The list is overwhelmingly long, proving that the democracy we have today is a farce.
The heart of the struggle of all the revolutionary efforts in our history is about making people participate in power. Part of the movement’s usual rhetoric is people’s participation in decision-making because without people’s participation to the political exercises that directly influence every dimension of their lives, democracy will not be realized.
This document will attempt to discuss an alternative anarchist political structure that will promote people’s direct participation in power and, in broad strokes, discuss the flow of political power from the bottom to the top. It is a concept that is heavily derived from the idea of Confederation advanced by libertarian author Murray Bookchin. His ideas of course are not detached from traditional anarchist movements and contemporary anarchist activists; and we believe it is significantly relevant to our current political crisis.
Confederation offers an alternative political structure based on a libertarian framework—i.e., non-hierarchical and non-statist, which is doable and applicable. It is doable compared to the 35-year old struggle of the CPP-NPA-NDF which, after taking tens of thousands of lives, delivered no concrete economic and political output to the Filipino people. More so, the alternatives being offered by mainstream leftist groups outside NDF offer no substantial difference, for they all adhere to the state and of capturing political power—an objective cannot be realised in the near future.
In the light that anarchism is exaggeratedly misunderstood, let us first discuss some fundamental principles of stateless-socialism; libertarianism and anarchism.
“Purely utopian!” That’s one of the common reactions of those who do not understand the word anarchy and its alternatives. Another misconception is its affinity to chaos.
These nuisances and misinterpretations are not surprising at all. Historically, anarchism has long opposed oppressive systems and fought monarchy, oligarchy, and the totalitarianism of the state-socialists and authoritarian communists alike. It continuous to carry out the struggle to fight new forms of colonialism, capitalism and other exploitative systems that hamper the development of the humanity. Every ruling regime has its share in imputing fear and terror on the anarchist movement in order to discredit it.
It is improper to escape the fact that violence is part of the anarchist movement. Along with the nationalists and republicans, anarchists carried out terroristic methods to advance social revolution. The “Propaganda by the Deed” was meant to encourage people to act against the state and the old order by launching violent activities such as the killing of French president Sadi Carnot by Sante Jeronimo Caserio (an Italian anarchist) in 1894. Italian anarchist Michele Angiolillo also shot Canovas of Spain in 1987. Luigi Luccheni (another anarchist from Italy) stabbed Empress Elisabeth of Austria to death in 1898, while Polish anarchist Leon Czogolsz killed US president McKinley in 1901. There were also two attempts on the life of Kaiser Wilhelm I, the first by Max Hodel on 11 May 1878, then followed by Karl Nobiling on the June 2 of the same year.
And the list is long.
These of course were used by the dominant regimes to their own advantage. In order to demonize anarchism, they shrewdly tailored it to violence and chaos. And this was even reinforced by the state socialists and authoritarian communists when the anarchist movement in Ukraine challenged the Bolshevik regime, the White Army and other foreign invaders.
Nuisances and misinterpretations are bound to occur in situation wherein power is asymmetrically distributed. The political structure that is controlled by the economic and political elite would not allow anarchism to flourish. Moreover, the country’s revolutionary tradition is highly influenced by red bureaucracy which is historically hostile to anarchism.
Contrary to common misconceptions, anarchism is a theory that firmly upholds the idea of an organized world that is free for all. As Noam Chomsky once stated in an interview, anarchy is a society that is highly organized wherein many different structures are integrated such as the workplace, the community and other myriad forms of free and voluntary associations, with participants directly managing their own affairs.
Unlike the existing order where people are motivated by power, profit, private property, and individualism; anarchy on the other hand is a society that fosters mutual cooperation, solidarity and freedom from exploitation and oppression and where decisions are made by those who are directly concerned. Any form of political structure that centralizes power is totally unacceptable.
The word archipelago on the other hand recognize the geographical characteristics of the country and the very essential role of its rich natural resources that strongly influence lifestyle of its inhabitants. Myriad historical accounts indicate that the bodies of water surrounding the different islands actually connected rather than separated them from each other, and that economic, social and political activities of the inhabitants were developed due to the interconnectedness of their immediate environment.
It is also important to note that the rich natural endowments of the archipelago allow diverse cultures to flourish and develop into a heterogeneous way of life that are interlinked through mutual cooperation.
Historical context
The famous victory of Lapu-lapu against Magellan is one of the earliest symbols of resistance in the archipelago. A considerable number of his men defeated the well-armed and battle-hardened Spanish conquistadores in a low-tide battle in the shore of Mactan. One can espouse the idea of an on-going rivalry between Lapu-lapu and Rajah Humabon which Magellan used—winning the trust of the latter and he attacked the former and met his death. But one can also elaborate the idea that Lapu-lapu’s group was set to defend the autonomy of their community.
Prior to the nationalist struggle, “Moro Wars” took place from 1565 to 1898 that prevented the Spaniards from subjugating the inhabitants of the southern part of archipelago. Colonizers mobilized Christianized locals to fight Muslims, thus laying the foundation of “perpetual” Christian-Muslim conflict in Mindanao.
The Philippines was one of the first Asian countries to stage a revolution against the colonialism of the West. The early phase of the Filipino struggle was initially carried out by local privileged intellectuals in the likes of Jose Rizal and Marcelo Del Pilar. The revolution was nationalistic in character, which is understandable because that time, nationalism was in the height of propagation in many parts of the world, specifically in Europe. This profoundly influenced Rizal’s works and inspired the oppressed masses, culminating in armed resistance organized by Andres Bonifacio in 1896.
With the growing influence of the US combined with the simultaneous armed resistance in Cuba, the Filipino nationalist resistance was able to substantially reduce the influence of Catholic Order, and finally drove out colonial Spain. But American expansionist policy immediately took effect, as expressed through the Treaty of Paris of 1898.
Shortly after the inauguration of the First Philippine Republic in January 1899 the Filipino-American War broke-out which claimed 600,000 Filipino lives, mostly due to starvation and diseases.
The revolutionary tradition in the country was further enriched upon the arrival of Isabelo De Los Reyes in Manila in 1901 from his exile in Barcelona, Spain where he brought a
collection of books including, those written by Malatesta, Proudhon, Kropotkin, Marx, Darwin, Aquinas and Voltaire. This was followed by a successful wave of protests and strikes within and around Manila that paved the way for the establishment of the Union Obrera Democratica (UOD). This marked the shift of the revolutionary struggle from a mere nationalist to an anti-imperialist one.
UOD disintegrated in 1903 and from its remains, the party upholding communism and socialism was established in 1938 and then later led the Hukbalahap guerilla movement. They were the foremost opponents of the Japanese forces prior to the reinforcement provided by the Americans. This was also the period when the revolutionary movement began to feel Bolshevik influence.
The tradition of struggle later proceeded to the establishment of the Maoist-influenced Communist Party in the late 1960s which adopted a nationalist strategy and protracted people’s war. It gained enormous support from the masses; but it failed to grab power until its fragmentation into smaller party formations due to the split in 1992.
Hard facts in the current context
Indeed, the counrty’s historical development has continuously enriched its revolutionary tradition, not to mention the resistance efforts outside of the national democracy movement, such as sectoral and community -based resistance and the Moro struggle, among others.
However, such richness failed to translate immediately to the interest of the people. In 1970s, the poverty rate was as high as 40 percent as compared to the current rate which is 34 to 36 percent according to National Statistical Coordination Board. This indicate marginal improvement in terms of poverty reduction effort.
Unemployment, on the other hand, is pegged 11 million while underemployment is up to 7 million. This is aggravated by the massive destruction of our natural resources due to the growth orientation of the economy and incapacity of the state to manage and to utilize it equally in a sustainable way.
Furthermore, liberalization, coupled with chronic rent-seeking practices in government offices, and the absence of a logical economic development plan, inflicted serious injury to the domestic economy which further exacerbated our deteriorating economic condition.
Another equally important issue is the marginalization of huge numbers of citizens in making decisions that directly and indirectly affects their political, social and economic lives. The existing political structure makes citizens passive, inactive and apathetic. Their political participation is reduced to routinary electoral exercises where they will occasionally choose politicians who will represent them in making and implementing policies.
We can hardly identify a historical period wherein Filipinos lived in prosperity, abundance and relative peace, except during pre-Spanish times. As described by Pigaffeta, the inhabitants of the archipelago were in perfect health and had no physical defects. He got the impression that food scarcity was not prevalent. While William Henry Scott and a host of other writers validated the presence of slavery in the archipelago during the pre-Spanish period, they never mentioned any sign of poverty among local villages.
These findings make us think that the phenomena of poverty in the Philippines occurred with the advent of Spanish colonization and coercive formation of a centralized government. Unfortunately, several studies have the tendency to conveniently pin down population explosion as the cause of poverty, thus undermining the fact that this is brought by systemic oppression. For instance, in Southern Asia, around 30 million households own no land or very little, and they represent 40% of nearly all rural households in the subcontinent. Both the African and Latin American continents, on the other hand, have similar data. Moreover, land distribution in the nations of the South favors large-scale commercial agriculture controlled by a few landowners. Ergo, poverty can be rooted socially.
The Philippines is not an exemption. In 2000, the country ranked 77 out of more than 150 countries with a poverty incidence of 34% and where the human development index (HDI) figure was 0.656. In the fishery sector alone; 80% of fisher folk households live below the poverty line, (Israel, 2004). Four primary factors are widely accepted by most of the players in the fishery sectors:
1. the low productivity of land-based resources or lack of access to land;
2. low productivity of aquatic resources due mainly to habitat destruction and stock depletion;
3. resource-use conflict, particularly in coastal waters; and
4. lack of adequate basic services delivery (i.e., health, education, shelter, infrastructures, etc.).
Though the Fishery Sector Program Report of the ADB (1993) also cited high population density in most near shore areas, this must not lead us to the conclusion that we are reaching the limit. We know for a fact that the increase of population in coastal communities is due to migration patterns. As noted by ASEAN-SEAFDEC in their technical report in 2001, households displaced in agricultural lands seek economic opportunity in coastal areas that are de facto open to anybody who want to use fishery resources. Poverty therefore is not rooted to the natural limit crisis; this is clearly brought about by structural problems, such as the distribution of wealth and the control of natural resources.
It should be clarified that the idea of carrying capacity is well recognized. This concept sets the limit of a number of organisms and non-living matter in a specific ecosystem, based on the availability of food, space and other vital materials necessary for their existence. Also, part of this is the capacity of a specific ecosystem to absorb pressure brought by extraction. But to set the record straight, the destruction of natural resources (which resulted in the death of many citizens and the loss of billions of livelihood) is not directly attributable to population. In fact, it is public knowledge that big corporations benefited from large-scale logging operations. And together with large commercial mining, this eventually led to the denudations of our forests. It should also be noted that mineral extraction is one of the notorious polluters in the coastal zone that significantly reduce fish stocks.
There is no sufficient evidence to prove that the country’s population of 86 million is close to the limit imposed by carrying capacity of the ecosystems. Clearly, food production is no longer a problem. In fact, developed and even developing nations like China, India and Brazil, are extra-aggressive in bilateral and multilateral trade agreements in order to have full market-access to the economies of poor and other nations where they can dump their huge surplus. In our case, the best available data on poverty is highly attributable to low agricultural and fishery productivity and poor economic performance; and this that can be directly traced to government negligence, incompetence, irresponsibility and non-accountability. Poverty is caused by unemployment; lack of land to till; degradation of natural resources; lack of economic opportunity; lack of social services, corruption and absence of a logical economic development agenda.
The huge profits being produced through massive extraction of natural resources do not deliver anything concrete to the people. We have enough sources of food to feed the entire population due to the highly abundant natural resources of the archipelago. But our finite resources are totally limited to fuel economic growth or to sustain the greed for profit of the elite.
With this conviction, we should be reminded that in order to establish a society that is free, equitable and rational, capitalism must be abolished and oppressive hierarchical political systems should be replaced by a system where citizens are highly involved in all political exercises, specifically in decision-making.
The Logic of Centralizing Power
By the sixteenth century, the state was described as a “large-scale governmental organisation effectively centralized by means of strictly secular bureaucracy, often implemented by some kind of representative body.” Since economic activities profoundly influence the operations of centralized governments, the state’s definition continuously evolved, but its original nature did not and will not change—i.e., to concentrate power and its desire to increase inexorable sovereignty. Theoretically, political power resides only in the state, but complete concentration of power is impossible. That is why it is reasonable to say that the existence of the state depends on its fairly concentrated power. Another very important consideration is that state is the only institution that can use legitimate violence to those who do not recognize its hegemony.
The hierarchical nature of the state inevitably creates a bureaucracy that concentrates governance and decision-making in a few representatives, akin to the institutional arrangement of the red bureaucracy, corporate structures as well as churches’ organigram. A handful of representatives will not constitute a democracy; on the contrary, it is nothing but the rule of a few. Democracy will only be realized through meaningful and substantial participation of the people in politics to which they can relate, understand, appreciate, contribute, perform, benefit and share duties and responsibilities.
The question is, how are we going to involve ordinary people in political exercises if they
Do not have any interest in engaging politics?
Such disinterest can be possibly rooted to the notion that the current political affair cannot offer anything to the people. All are reduced to promises and texts. For the common people, politics require complicated technical skills and knowledge that can only be earned in prestigious and expensive universities. Such an undertaking requires technical jargon and an expensive outfit which gives the impression that politics is an enterprise solely for the educated and rich families. The term polis, as we trace it back to the tradition of the Greeks, refers to the management of the community by the citizens. This is apparently lost its meaning due to statism that turned politics into a career and lucrative profession that marginalized ordinary people.
Our effort in imagining alternatives beyond the politics of the state will be facilitated by regaining the lost meaning of “politics” and calibrating it in our own context.
Libertarian Alternatives
Anarchist alternatives which were precisely reflected in the October 1917 Revolution were characterized by spontaneity and the self-organized revolt of the masses. Powerful united fronts of various forces developed and crushed the oppressive Tsarist regime within three days. The massive unrest of the people and other heterogeneous elements led to the abolition of old regime without any particular alternative and without instruction from any group. The majority of the masses did not directly articulate the ideas espoused by the anarcho-syndicalists, but what the people had done was exactly what the Anarcho-syndicalists had in mind. Upon the abolition of Tsarist state, the people spontaneously organized themselves. In Kronstadt, houses were socialized through the house committees which extended to the entire streets that resulted in the creation of street and block committees. The same thing happened in Petrograd. The factory committees that appeared almost out of nowhere were geared toward establishing “Producer Consumer Communes”.
During the Spanish Civil War, the eastern part of Spain was under the influence of the anarchist movement. Workers’ direct management took place in industrial and commercial establishments through the 2,000 collectives in Catalonia. In February 1937, 275 peasants and farm workers’ collectives with a total of 80,000 members were formed in Aragon near the front line, which occupied vast lands which were abandoned by their landlords. In three months time, these collectives increased to 450, with a total number of 180,000 members.
There are a lot of experience worth citing in Latin America, Asia and Africa; but these are poorly articulated and are seldom mentioned in our history books. The anarchist movement is barely mentioned, despite of its profound influence in the early stage of Philippine nationalist resistance and early part of the anti-imperialist struggle in the archipelago.
Direct Democracy
Direct democracy is not a new idea. This was and is still being practiced in many parts of the world. But this concept is poorly explored due to the “power hungry” behavior of the political and economic elite and some leftists who actually advocate and practice authoritarianism.
To refresh our minds, the original Greek meaning of politics came from the word polis, which entails that the people directly formulate public policies through face-to-face processes called assemblies which are based on the ethics of complementarity and solidarity. Of course, the idea was not perfect because the citizens who had the privilege to participate in community management were those who owned slaves and had the luxury of time. But the tradition of direct democracy was evidently workable.
Confederal structures have appeared in history time and again, like those of the 16th century Spanish Communeros and the American town meetings which even reached New England and Charleston in the 1770s. This also includes the Parisian sectional assembly during the 1790s, and which occurred again in 1871 in Paris Commune, and so on.
Instead of organizing a party, why do we not go back to the communities and localities? Political parties can easily claim that they have an organized network and mass base in the local level, which we will not try to refute. Our concern will focus on the kind of politics that they are employing. Their organizational set-up is inherently top-down due to the representation system wherein a few individuals from the party would represent the interests of the entire nation. This breeds bossism wherein a few people are in the apex of the hierarchy. Moreover, they have authority vis-à-vis to their members which will eventually, end in a leader-and-led relationship. Hence, people become simple members. Instead of having active, creative, imaginative and dynamic citizens, we have passive and mechanized constituents whose duty is reduced to attendance in mobilizations and routinary selection of leaders that merely reinforces the culture of obedience.
Democracy is not about making obedient followers. It is not about imposing uniform rules to a complex and diverse population in terms of their interests, views, way-of-life, prejudices, economic activities, social and natural environment, culture and spiritual life. Rather, democracy is about creating a political atmosphere which is participatory and inclusive of this highly diverse population, and which is based on the actual needs and interests of the communities.
We do not intend to undermine the initiative of political parties when it comes to advancing the interests of the community. But perhaps it is plausible to think that since leftist parties are only among the minority, they should strive more to gain political value and leverage so that they mobilize the people. Their interest therefore is not necessarily identical with those of the communities or localities since the latter are characterized by their diversity. Traditionally, leftist parties are class-based and have a great tendency to overlook other sectors and groups who are also exploited and are significant in number. This approach often fosters elitism upon the glorified class.
In a broad sense, direct democracy will be applied by organizing free assemblies at the local level. People’s organizations that are based on their nature such as peasants, fishers, women, youth, indigenous people, vendors, tricycle drivers, jeepney drivers, homeless, gays, neighborhood associations, religious groups and other formations at the localities should be encouraged to organize themselves.
Based on experience, people will surely participate in political processes if the topic to be discussed is directly related to their interests; to their daily activities and to the immediate and strategic needs of the communities. People will conduct face-to-face meetings at the barangay level to tackle their immediate concerns; they will share ideas, duties and responsibilities to address their issues in relation to other barangays. They are encouraged to engage in discussions and debates on public facilities using their own language and the existing local mechanisms to facilitate local political mechanisms.
Obviously, an ideal political structure should not mobilize people for the purpose of elevating the political value of certain political parties for elections or for the goal of taking political power which, in a sense, would merely reinforce the inactivity of their constituents. This kind of political structure will bring the political arena at the very doorstep of the people; this will create a political atmosphere that encourages the citizens’ active, creative, imaginative and dynamic participation.
The ultimate direction of this process is to empower the vast number of marginalized citizens from below. This politics is educative since it will enhance the people’s capacity to democratically discuss, decide, formulate and implement plans with regard to their common resources and own affairs.
Confederation
In general, the pre-Hispanic barangays were interdependent but loosely federated. Among their bases of interaction were trade, commerce and war (raids for slaves and wives and revenge). “Highly” federated barangays were usually found in river mouths or wherever the ports were strategically located for commerce and where economic activities were high. This is not to romanticize the idea of the baranganic system but rather to trace our traditional practice of decentralism that actually proved to be far more humane than the statist model that was imposed by that colonialists and that is still in place until today.
Our idea of decentralization here should not be mistaken as parochialism which might lead to the isolation of the locality from the rest of world. Confederalism as defined by Murray Bookchin “is above all a network of administrative councils whose members or delegates are elected from popular, face-to-face democratic assemblies”. In our context, structures will be independently organized from barangay or community level. Every barangay or community assembly will elect delegate/s whose function is purely administrative, such as transmitting information and other practical functions. Policy-making will take place strictly at the popular assemblies in the barangay and in community level. Delegates have no power to decide and they are totally recallable and accountable to the assemblies that mandated them. More importantly, delegates posses no privilege and authority over the citizens.
Confederal councils comprised of substantial delegates will be organized at the municipal and city level; then municipalities and cities will be confederated at the provincial level. The regional level will then comprise the Archipelagic Confederation. A confederation is a structure that connects and interlink politically and economically every community of the archipelago, and where the functions are administrative and coordinative. The ultimate idea of confederation is to integrate all social structures, not in a hierarchical or top-down orientation, but rather vice-versa. Public policies will be formulated from the grassroots, which will be expressed at the municipal, city, provincial, and regional levels.
The basis of integration is not competition but rather mutual cooperation, complementation and solidarity. Every sector, group and other formations in a municipality will find their place in production processes to ensure the needs of the communities.
We cannot blame groups inclined to party system and statist model if they immediately express a low appreciation for the proposed alternative system. Indeed, taking political power is a short cut to institute desired changes; but such changes are not necessarily meaningful for those who did not participate in the seizure of political power. In many instances, the great bulk of masses are reduced into mere spectators to the political exercise initiated by the few, again making passive, inactive and obedient constituents.
True, this process is strategic because it also involves changing the behavior of people who are highly influenced by the dominant institutions that promote and reinforce an order based on competition, individualism and imposed uniformity. As part of processes that resist the current order and the behavior that reinforces it, direct democracy can be employed. In the heist of the brutal effect of grow-or-die market capitalism and a corrupt centralized state, communities should persistently defend their own physical and social space by defining its specific interests in connection to larger communities. We should encourage locals to self-organize and maximize their traditional networks to protect and advance the interests of their localities in relation to the interests and needs of other communities.
References
Anderson, Benedict. “Under Three Flags; Anarchism and Anti-Colonial Imagination.” 2006.
ASEAN-SEAFDEC. 2001 Conference on Sustainable Fisheries for Food Security in the New Millennium: “Fish for the People.”
Bookchin, Murray. “Libertarian Municipalism.” Article published in Green Perspectives - October 1991.
Bookchin, Murray. “The Meaning of Confederalism.” Article published in Green Perspective No. 20 November 1990.
Bookchin, Murray. “What is Communalism? The Democratic Dimension of Anarchism.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Bookchin, Murray. “Municipalisation: Community Ownership of the Economy.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Bookchin, Murray. “The Population Myth.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Chomsky, Noam. Interview by Red and Black Revolution in May 1995.
Friedrich, C.J. and Brzezinski Z.K. “Totalitarian Dictatorship & Autocracy.” 1972.
Maximoff G.P. “Syndicalists in the Russian Revolution.”
National Statistics Office. “Socio-economic Characteristics of Households in the Philippines.”
Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert. “The Philippines: The People Power Revolution of 1986.”
Scott, Henry William. “Barangay” Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society.” 1997.
By: Bas Umali
Introduction
Many of us will agree that in our context, democracy seems elusive. Until now, a vast number of people are in extreme poverty, deprived of basic needs and are politically marginalized. We know that poverty is caused by the uneven distribution of power where only a few can decide over critical things such as the use of natural resources and distribution of its benefits. Who among us was ever asked or consulted by the government in its program of environmental destruction which is only profited big corporations which are controlled by a few families and foreign corporations? Did the government bother to ask peasants, farmers, fishers, workers, women, youth, gays, consumers and other sectors with regard to the country’s accession to the WTO and its conclusion of various bilateral agreements? Who wants E-VAT and debt payment?
The list is overwhelmingly long, proving that the democracy we have today is a farce.
The heart of the struggle of all the revolutionary efforts in our history is about making people participate in power. Part of the movement’s usual rhetoric is people’s participation in decision-making because without people’s participation to the political exercises that directly influence every dimension of their lives, democracy will not be realized.
This document will attempt to discuss an alternative anarchist political structure that will promote people’s direct participation in power and, in broad strokes, discuss the flow of political power from the bottom to the top. It is a concept that is heavily derived from the idea of Confederation advanced by libertarian author Murray Bookchin. His ideas of course are not detached from traditional anarchist movements and contemporary anarchist activists; and we believe it is significantly relevant to our current political crisis.
Confederation offers an alternative political structure based on a libertarian framework—i.e., non-hierarchical and non-statist, which is doable and applicable. It is doable compared to the 35-year old struggle of the CPP-NPA-NDF which, after taking tens of thousands of lives, delivered no concrete economic and political output to the Filipino people. More so, the alternatives being offered by mainstream leftist groups outside NDF offer no substantial difference, for they all adhere to the state and of capturing political power—an objective cannot be realised in the near future.
In the light that anarchism is exaggeratedly misunderstood, let us first discuss some fundamental principles of stateless-socialism; libertarianism and anarchism.
“Purely utopian!” That’s one of the common reactions of those who do not understand the word anarchy and its alternatives. Another misconception is its affinity to chaos.
These nuisances and misinterpretations are not surprising at all. Historically, anarchism has long opposed oppressive systems and fought monarchy, oligarchy, and the totalitarianism of the state-socialists and authoritarian communists alike. It continuous to carry out the struggle to fight new forms of colonialism, capitalism and other exploitative systems that hamper the development of the humanity. Every ruling regime has its share in imputing fear and terror on the anarchist movement in order to discredit it.
It is improper to escape the fact that violence is part of the anarchist movement. Along with the nationalists and republicans, anarchists carried out terroristic methods to advance social revolution. The “Propaganda by the Deed” was meant to encourage people to act against the state and the old order by launching violent activities such as the killing of French president Sadi Carnot by Sante Jeronimo Caserio (an Italian anarchist) in 1894. Italian anarchist Michele Angiolillo also shot Canovas of Spain in 1987. Luigi Luccheni (another anarchist from Italy) stabbed Empress Elisabeth of Austria to death in 1898, while Polish anarchist Leon Czogolsz killed US president McKinley in 1901. There were also two attempts on the life of Kaiser Wilhelm I, the first by Max Hodel on 11 May 1878, then followed by Karl Nobiling on the June 2 of the same year.
And the list is long.
These of course were used by the dominant regimes to their own advantage. In order to demonize anarchism, they shrewdly tailored it to violence and chaos. And this was even reinforced by the state socialists and authoritarian communists when the anarchist movement in Ukraine challenged the Bolshevik regime, the White Army and other foreign invaders.
Nuisances and misinterpretations are bound to occur in situation wherein power is asymmetrically distributed. The political structure that is controlled by the economic and political elite would not allow anarchism to flourish. Moreover, the country’s revolutionary tradition is highly influenced by red bureaucracy which is historically hostile to anarchism.
Contrary to common misconceptions, anarchism is a theory that firmly upholds the idea of an organized world that is free for all. As Noam Chomsky once stated in an interview, anarchy is a society that is highly organized wherein many different structures are integrated such as the workplace, the community and other myriad forms of free and voluntary associations, with participants directly managing their own affairs.
Unlike the existing order where people are motivated by power, profit, private property, and individualism; anarchy on the other hand is a society that fosters mutual cooperation, solidarity and freedom from exploitation and oppression and where decisions are made by those who are directly concerned. Any form of political structure that centralizes power is totally unacceptable.
The word archipelago on the other hand recognize the geographical characteristics of the country and the very essential role of its rich natural resources that strongly influence lifestyle of its inhabitants. Myriad historical accounts indicate that the bodies of water surrounding the different islands actually connected rather than separated them from each other, and that economic, social and political activities of the inhabitants were developed due to the interconnectedness of their immediate environment.
It is also important to note that the rich natural endowments of the archipelago allow diverse cultures to flourish and develop into a heterogeneous way of life that are interlinked through mutual cooperation.
Historical context
The famous victory of Lapu-lapu against Magellan is one of the earliest symbols of resistance in the archipelago. A considerable number of his men defeated the well-armed and battle-hardened Spanish conquistadores in a low-tide battle in the shore of Mactan. One can espouse the idea of an on-going rivalry between Lapu-lapu and Rajah Humabon which Magellan used—winning the trust of the latter and he attacked the former and met his death. But one can also elaborate the idea that Lapu-lapu’s group was set to defend the autonomy of their community.
Prior to the nationalist struggle, “Moro Wars” took place from 1565 to 1898 that prevented the Spaniards from subjugating the inhabitants of the southern part of archipelago. Colonizers mobilized Christianized locals to fight Muslims, thus laying the foundation of “perpetual” Christian-Muslim conflict in Mindanao.
The Philippines was one of the first Asian countries to stage a revolution against the colonialism of the West. The early phase of the Filipino struggle was initially carried out by local privileged intellectuals in the likes of Jose Rizal and Marcelo Del Pilar. The revolution was nationalistic in character, which is understandable because that time, nationalism was in the height of propagation in many parts of the world, specifically in Europe. This profoundly influenced Rizal’s works and inspired the oppressed masses, culminating in armed resistance organized by Andres Bonifacio in 1896.
With the growing influence of the US combined with the simultaneous armed resistance in Cuba, the Filipino nationalist resistance was able to substantially reduce the influence of Catholic Order, and finally drove out colonial Spain. But American expansionist policy immediately took effect, as expressed through the Treaty of Paris of 1898.
Shortly after the inauguration of the First Philippine Republic in January 1899 the Filipino-American War broke-out which claimed 600,000 Filipino lives, mostly due to starvation and diseases.
The revolutionary tradition in the country was further enriched upon the arrival of Isabelo De Los Reyes in Manila in 1901 from his exile in Barcelona, Spain where he brought a
collection of books including, those written by Malatesta, Proudhon, Kropotkin, Marx, Darwin, Aquinas and Voltaire. This was followed by a successful wave of protests and strikes within and around Manila that paved the way for the establishment of the Union Obrera Democratica (UOD). This marked the shift of the revolutionary struggle from a mere nationalist to an anti-imperialist one.
UOD disintegrated in 1903 and from its remains, the party upholding communism and socialism was established in 1938 and then later led the Hukbalahap guerilla movement. They were the foremost opponents of the Japanese forces prior to the reinforcement provided by the Americans. This was also the period when the revolutionary movement began to feel Bolshevik influence.
The tradition of struggle later proceeded to the establishment of the Maoist-influenced Communist Party in the late 1960s which adopted a nationalist strategy and protracted people’s war. It gained enormous support from the masses; but it failed to grab power until its fragmentation into smaller party formations due to the split in 1992.
Hard facts in the current context
Indeed, the counrty’s historical development has continuously enriched its revolutionary tradition, not to mention the resistance efforts outside of the national democracy movement, such as sectoral and community -based resistance and the Moro struggle, among others.
However, such richness failed to translate immediately to the interest of the people. In 1970s, the poverty rate was as high as 40 percent as compared to the current rate which is 34 to 36 percent according to National Statistical Coordination Board. This indicate marginal improvement in terms of poverty reduction effort.
Unemployment, on the other hand, is pegged 11 million while underemployment is up to 7 million. This is aggravated by the massive destruction of our natural resources due to the growth orientation of the economy and incapacity of the state to manage and to utilize it equally in a sustainable way.
Furthermore, liberalization, coupled with chronic rent-seeking practices in government offices, and the absence of a logical economic development plan, inflicted serious injury to the domestic economy which further exacerbated our deteriorating economic condition.
Another equally important issue is the marginalization of huge numbers of citizens in making decisions that directly and indirectly affects their political, social and economic lives. The existing political structure makes citizens passive, inactive and apathetic. Their political participation is reduced to routinary electoral exercises where they will occasionally choose politicians who will represent them in making and implementing policies.
We can hardly identify a historical period wherein Filipinos lived in prosperity, abundance and relative peace, except during pre-Spanish times. As described by Pigaffeta, the inhabitants of the archipelago were in perfect health and had no physical defects. He got the impression that food scarcity was not prevalent. While William Henry Scott and a host of other writers validated the presence of slavery in the archipelago during the pre-Spanish period, they never mentioned any sign of poverty among local villages.
These findings make us think that the phenomena of poverty in the Philippines occurred with the advent of Spanish colonization and coercive formation of a centralized government. Unfortunately, several studies have the tendency to conveniently pin down population explosion as the cause of poverty, thus undermining the fact that this is brought by systemic oppression. For instance, in Southern Asia, around 30 million households own no land or very little, and they represent 40% of nearly all rural households in the subcontinent. Both the African and Latin American continents, on the other hand, have similar data. Moreover, land distribution in the nations of the South favors large-scale commercial agriculture controlled by a few landowners. Ergo, poverty can be rooted socially.
The Philippines is not an exemption. In 2000, the country ranked 77 out of more than 150 countries with a poverty incidence of 34% and where the human development index (HDI) figure was 0.656. In the fishery sector alone; 80% of fisher folk households live below the poverty line, (Israel, 2004). Four primary factors are widely accepted by most of the players in the fishery sectors:
1. the low productivity of land-based resources or lack of access to land;
2. low productivity of aquatic resources due mainly to habitat destruction and stock depletion;
3. resource-use conflict, particularly in coastal waters; and
4. lack of adequate basic services delivery (i.e., health, education, shelter, infrastructures, etc.).
Though the Fishery Sector Program Report of the ADB (1993) also cited high population density in most near shore areas, this must not lead us to the conclusion that we are reaching the limit. We know for a fact that the increase of population in coastal communities is due to migration patterns. As noted by ASEAN-SEAFDEC in their technical report in 2001, households displaced in agricultural lands seek economic opportunity in coastal areas that are de facto open to anybody who want to use fishery resources. Poverty therefore is not rooted to the natural limit crisis; this is clearly brought about by structural problems, such as the distribution of wealth and the control of natural resources.
It should be clarified that the idea of carrying capacity is well recognized. This concept sets the limit of a number of organisms and non-living matter in a specific ecosystem, based on the availability of food, space and other vital materials necessary for their existence. Also, part of this is the capacity of a specific ecosystem to absorb pressure brought by extraction. But to set the record straight, the destruction of natural resources (which resulted in the death of many citizens and the loss of billions of livelihood) is not directly attributable to population. In fact, it is public knowledge that big corporations benefited from large-scale logging operations. And together with large commercial mining, this eventually led to the denudations of our forests. It should also be noted that mineral extraction is one of the notorious polluters in the coastal zone that significantly reduce fish stocks.
There is no sufficient evidence to prove that the country’s population of 86 million is close to the limit imposed by carrying capacity of the ecosystems. Clearly, food production is no longer a problem. In fact, developed and even developing nations like China, India and Brazil, are extra-aggressive in bilateral and multilateral trade agreements in order to have full market-access to the economies of poor and other nations where they can dump their huge surplus. In our case, the best available data on poverty is highly attributable to low agricultural and fishery productivity and poor economic performance; and this that can be directly traced to government negligence, incompetence, irresponsibility and non-accountability. Poverty is caused by unemployment; lack of land to till; degradation of natural resources; lack of economic opportunity; lack of social services, corruption and absence of a logical economic development agenda.
The huge profits being produced through massive extraction of natural resources do not deliver anything concrete to the people. We have enough sources of food to feed the entire population due to the highly abundant natural resources of the archipelago. But our finite resources are totally limited to fuel economic growth or to sustain the greed for profit of the elite.
With this conviction, we should be reminded that in order to establish a society that is free, equitable and rational, capitalism must be abolished and oppressive hierarchical political systems should be replaced by a system where citizens are highly involved in all political exercises, specifically in decision-making.
The Logic of Centralizing Power
By the sixteenth century, the state was described as a “large-scale governmental organisation effectively centralized by means of strictly secular bureaucracy, often implemented by some kind of representative body.” Since economic activities profoundly influence the operations of centralized governments, the state’s definition continuously evolved, but its original nature did not and will not change—i.e., to concentrate power and its desire to increase inexorable sovereignty. Theoretically, political power resides only in the state, but complete concentration of power is impossible. That is why it is reasonable to say that the existence of the state depends on its fairly concentrated power. Another very important consideration is that state is the only institution that can use legitimate violence to those who do not recognize its hegemony.
The hierarchical nature of the state inevitably creates a bureaucracy that concentrates governance and decision-making in a few representatives, akin to the institutional arrangement of the red bureaucracy, corporate structures as well as churches’ organigram. A handful of representatives will not constitute a democracy; on the contrary, it is nothing but the rule of a few. Democracy will only be realized through meaningful and substantial participation of the people in politics to which they can relate, understand, appreciate, contribute, perform, benefit and share duties and responsibilities.
The question is, how are we going to involve ordinary people in political exercises if they
Do not have any interest in engaging politics?
Such disinterest can be possibly rooted to the notion that the current political affair cannot offer anything to the people. All are reduced to promises and texts. For the common people, politics require complicated technical skills and knowledge that can only be earned in prestigious and expensive universities. Such an undertaking requires technical jargon and an expensive outfit which gives the impression that politics is an enterprise solely for the educated and rich families. The term polis, as we trace it back to the tradition of the Greeks, refers to the management of the community by the citizens. This is apparently lost its meaning due to statism that turned politics into a career and lucrative profession that marginalized ordinary people.
Our effort in imagining alternatives beyond the politics of the state will be facilitated by regaining the lost meaning of “politics” and calibrating it in our own context.
Libertarian Alternatives
Anarchist alternatives which were precisely reflected in the October 1917 Revolution were characterized by spontaneity and the self-organized revolt of the masses. Powerful united fronts of various forces developed and crushed the oppressive Tsarist regime within three days. The massive unrest of the people and other heterogeneous elements led to the abolition of old regime without any particular alternative and without instruction from any group. The majority of the masses did not directly articulate the ideas espoused by the anarcho-syndicalists, but what the people had done was exactly what the Anarcho-syndicalists had in mind. Upon the abolition of Tsarist state, the people spontaneously organized themselves. In Kronstadt, houses were socialized through the house committees which extended to the entire streets that resulted in the creation of street and block committees. The same thing happened in Petrograd. The factory committees that appeared almost out of nowhere were geared toward establishing “Producer Consumer Communes”.
During the Spanish Civil War, the eastern part of Spain was under the influence of the anarchist movement. Workers’ direct management took place in industrial and commercial establishments through the 2,000 collectives in Catalonia. In February 1937, 275 peasants and farm workers’ collectives with a total of 80,000 members were formed in Aragon near the front line, which occupied vast lands which were abandoned by their landlords. In three months time, these collectives increased to 450, with a total number of 180,000 members.
There are a lot of experience worth citing in Latin America, Asia and Africa; but these are poorly articulated and are seldom mentioned in our history books. The anarchist movement is barely mentioned, despite of its profound influence in the early stage of Philippine nationalist resistance and early part of the anti-imperialist struggle in the archipelago.
Direct Democracy
Direct democracy is not a new idea. This was and is still being practiced in many parts of the world. But this concept is poorly explored due to the “power hungry” behavior of the political and economic elite and some leftists who actually advocate and practice authoritarianism.
To refresh our minds, the original Greek meaning of politics came from the word polis, which entails that the people directly formulate public policies through face-to-face processes called assemblies which are based on the ethics of complementarity and solidarity. Of course, the idea was not perfect because the citizens who had the privilege to participate in community management were those who owned slaves and had the luxury of time. But the tradition of direct democracy was evidently workable.
Confederal structures have appeared in history time and again, like those of the 16th century Spanish Communeros and the American town meetings which even reached New England and Charleston in the 1770s. This also includes the Parisian sectional assembly during the 1790s, and which occurred again in 1871 in Paris Commune, and so on.
Instead of organizing a party, why do we not go back to the communities and localities? Political parties can easily claim that they have an organized network and mass base in the local level, which we will not try to refute. Our concern will focus on the kind of politics that they are employing. Their organizational set-up is inherently top-down due to the representation system wherein a few individuals from the party would represent the interests of the entire nation. This breeds bossism wherein a few people are in the apex of the hierarchy. Moreover, they have authority vis-à-vis to their members which will eventually, end in a leader-and-led relationship. Hence, people become simple members. Instead of having active, creative, imaginative and dynamic citizens, we have passive and mechanized constituents whose duty is reduced to attendance in mobilizations and routinary selection of leaders that merely reinforces the culture of obedience.
Democracy is not about making obedient followers. It is not about imposing uniform rules to a complex and diverse population in terms of their interests, views, way-of-life, prejudices, economic activities, social and natural environment, culture and spiritual life. Rather, democracy is about creating a political atmosphere which is participatory and inclusive of this highly diverse population, and which is based on the actual needs and interests of the communities.
We do not intend to undermine the initiative of political parties when it comes to advancing the interests of the community. But perhaps it is plausible to think that since leftist parties are only among the minority, they should strive more to gain political value and leverage so that they mobilize the people. Their interest therefore is not necessarily identical with those of the communities or localities since the latter are characterized by their diversity. Traditionally, leftist parties are class-based and have a great tendency to overlook other sectors and groups who are also exploited and are significant in number. This approach often fosters elitism upon the glorified class.
In a broad sense, direct democracy will be applied by organizing free assemblies at the local level. People’s organizations that are based on their nature such as peasants, fishers, women, youth, indigenous people, vendors, tricycle drivers, jeepney drivers, homeless, gays, neighborhood associations, religious groups and other formations at the localities should be encouraged to organize themselves.
Based on experience, people will surely participate in political processes if the topic to be discussed is directly related to their interests; to their daily activities and to the immediate and strategic needs of the communities. People will conduct face-to-face meetings at the barangay level to tackle their immediate concerns; they will share ideas, duties and responsibilities to address their issues in relation to other barangays. They are encouraged to engage in discussions and debates on public facilities using their own language and the existing local mechanisms to facilitate local political mechanisms.
Obviously, an ideal political structure should not mobilize people for the purpose of elevating the political value of certain political parties for elections or for the goal of taking political power which, in a sense, would merely reinforce the inactivity of their constituents. This kind of political structure will bring the political arena at the very doorstep of the people; this will create a political atmosphere that encourages the citizens’ active, creative, imaginative and dynamic participation.
The ultimate direction of this process is to empower the vast number of marginalized citizens from below. This politics is educative since it will enhance the people’s capacity to democratically discuss, decide, formulate and implement plans with regard to their common resources and own affairs.
Confederation
In general, the pre-Hispanic barangays were interdependent but loosely federated. Among their bases of interaction were trade, commerce and war (raids for slaves and wives and revenge). “Highly” federated barangays were usually found in river mouths or wherever the ports were strategically located for commerce and where economic activities were high. This is not to romanticize the idea of the baranganic system but rather to trace our traditional practice of decentralism that actually proved to be far more humane than the statist model that was imposed by that colonialists and that is still in place until today.
Our idea of decentralization here should not be mistaken as parochialism which might lead to the isolation of the locality from the rest of world. Confederalism as defined by Murray Bookchin “is above all a network of administrative councils whose members or delegates are elected from popular, face-to-face democratic assemblies”. In our context, structures will be independently organized from barangay or community level. Every barangay or community assembly will elect delegate/s whose function is purely administrative, such as transmitting information and other practical functions. Policy-making will take place strictly at the popular assemblies in the barangay and in community level. Delegates have no power to decide and they are totally recallable and accountable to the assemblies that mandated them. More importantly, delegates posses no privilege and authority over the citizens.
Confederal councils comprised of substantial delegates will be organized at the municipal and city level; then municipalities and cities will be confederated at the provincial level. The regional level will then comprise the Archipelagic Confederation. A confederation is a structure that connects and interlink politically and economically every community of the archipelago, and where the functions are administrative and coordinative. The ultimate idea of confederation is to integrate all social structures, not in a hierarchical or top-down orientation, but rather vice-versa. Public policies will be formulated from the grassroots, which will be expressed at the municipal, city, provincial, and regional levels.
The basis of integration is not competition but rather mutual cooperation, complementation and solidarity. Every sector, group and other formations in a municipality will find their place in production processes to ensure the needs of the communities.
We cannot blame groups inclined to party system and statist model if they immediately express a low appreciation for the proposed alternative system. Indeed, taking political power is a short cut to institute desired changes; but such changes are not necessarily meaningful for those who did not participate in the seizure of political power. In many instances, the great bulk of masses are reduced into mere spectators to the political exercise initiated by the few, again making passive, inactive and obedient constituents.
True, this process is strategic because it also involves changing the behavior of people who are highly influenced by the dominant institutions that promote and reinforce an order based on competition, individualism and imposed uniformity. As part of processes that resist the current order and the behavior that reinforces it, direct democracy can be employed. In the heist of the brutal effect of grow-or-die market capitalism and a corrupt centralized state, communities should persistently defend their own physical and social space by defining its specific interests in connection to larger communities. We should encourage locals to self-organize and maximize their traditional networks to protect and advance the interests of their localities in relation to the interests and needs of other communities.
References
Anderson, Benedict. “Under Three Flags; Anarchism and Anti-Colonial Imagination.” 2006.
ASEAN-SEAFDEC. 2001 Conference on Sustainable Fisheries for Food Security in the New Millennium: “Fish for the People.”
Bookchin, Murray. “Libertarian Municipalism.” Article published in Green Perspectives - October 1991.
Bookchin, Murray. “The Meaning of Confederalism.” Article published in Green Perspective No. 20 November 1990.
Bookchin, Murray. “What is Communalism? The Democratic Dimension of Anarchism.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Bookchin, Murray. “Municipalisation: Community Ownership of the Economy.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Bookchin, Murray. “The Population Myth.” Accessed from Anarchy Archive.
Chomsky, Noam. Interview by Red and Black Revolution in May 1995.
Friedrich, C.J. and Brzezinski Z.K. “Totalitarian Dictatorship & Autocracy.” 1972.
Maximoff G.P. “Syndicalists in the Russian Revolution.”
National Statistics Office. “Socio-economic Characteristics of Households in the Philippines.”
Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert. “The Philippines: The People Power Revolution of 1986.”
Scott, Henry William. “Barangay” Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society.” 1997.
Tuesday, July 11, 2006
Walang bago sa isang burikak na presidente (N Korean missile crisis)
Muling nagpasikat (ikaw pala'y nagkakalat), nagpa-impress ang ating pekeng presidente sa amo nitong si Bush ng US ng i-propa nito ang pagkundena sa isinagawang missile testing ng North Korea! ("To refrain from further compromising the peace and security of the region and of the world").
Nakisali ka pa sa eksena, wala ka namang ibubuga, di ka naman papatulan ng North Korea, dahil yagit lang tayo sa Asia! Sino ba si Ate Glo sa isyu ng N Korea? May malaking papel ba tayo, kinikilala ba tayo sa rehiyon, may kakayahan ba tayo, siga-siga ba tayo sa Asia? Manahimik ka, anong ipagmamalaki ni Ate Glo, ang pagiging sikat natin bilang japayuki, prosti ng Asia, caregiver-katulong, isang kahig-isang tuka lang tayo, busabos at ang pagiging pulubi natin sa mundo (umaasa sa utang, hingi't pamamalimos). Kung 'di ka ba namang tanga, yung komunistang CPP-NPA at Magdalo lang hirap ka na, babanggain mo pa ang North Korea!
Kung alam lang ni Kim Jong Il ng North Korea na isinusuka na siya ng country, weak at hawak sa leeg si Ate Glo ng mga heneral at politiko, na siya'y isang burikak (di pa nagbababa ng pantalon si Uncle Sam, nakaliyad na) na pangulo, tuso at oportunista, dededmahin nga siya ng N Korea.
Walang bago sa foreign policy ng bansa, mula pa sa panahon ng Commonwealth Quezon hanggang sa kasalukuyan ay nirere-echo (plakado) lamang ng Pinas ang foreign policy ng gubyernong Amerika. Inaasahan na natin ang ganitong pamumustura lalo na't siya'y nalalagay sa alanganin, ipit, nanganganib, survival mode, may political uncertainty, may patuloy na banta ng destabilization at syempre pa nagpapaSIPSIP, lubhang kailanganin niya ang suporta't ayuda mula kay Bush.
Kung matatandaan, sa panawagan ni Bush, ang gubyerno ni Ate Glo ang unang tumugon, nagkumahog, umarangkada at pumaloob sa Coalition of the (may Taliling) Willing na durugin, pulbusin ang IRAQ at gubyerno ni Saddam Husein. Nalagay sa kahihiyang urong-sulong ng mundo si Ate Glo, dahil sa isang hudyat lamang ni Angelo de la Cruz (na-hostage ng Iraqi Liberation Army), tiklop ang buntut at biglang nagsirko sa Coalition. Paano kung patulan ka ni Kim Jong Il, eh di lagot ka, suportahan at mamigay ng armas at ayuda sa ka-chokaran nilang CPP-NPA, (tulad ng gingawa ng US na namimigay ng lumang armamento sa AFP)? Baka, bigla kang mapasugud (dumalaw) sa North Korea at mag-sorry, manikluhod!
Dapat malaman ni Ate Glo na hanggang salita, hanggang dakdak at hanggang porma lamang ang US at ang Japan pag ang North Korea (mas tuso at sigurista sa dalawa) ang kalaban. Hindi tanga at gago ang US na muling ipasubo ang kanyang armed forces at atakihin ang North Korea sa tulad ng ginawa nito sa Iraq at Afghanistan.
Wala ng mukhang ihaharap ang US sa mundo, matapos ang kahihiyang idinulot nito sa paghahanap at pamimintang na may “weapon of mass destruction” , ginamit na excuse upang looban at pagnakawan ang Iraq! Lumalaki araw-araw ang casualty (3,000) ng mga sundalong Kano at bumababa ang moral ng mamamayang Amerikano sa gera.
Ang tunay na pakay, ang tunay na dahilan at layunin ng US ay PAGNAKAWAN ng LANGIS ang IRAQ (papakonti na ang langis sa mundo), yan ang nagdudumilat na katotohanan! Sa kaso ng North Korea, naghahamon na, kakasa, palaban na, nag-testing na at dekleradong inaamin na ng hayagan na mayroon nga silang nuclear armed na missile, eh ano ngayon? Ang nakakatawa rito, bakit nadiwag, nag-atubili si Bush na upakan ang North Korea? Dahil, wala kasing mahihita ang US sa N Korea, WALA itong LANGIS at wala itong mapapakinabangan!!!
Ngayon Ate Glo, sa ginawa mong pag-aanunsyo laban sa North Korea, baka magsisi ka!
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 12, 2006
Nakisali ka pa sa eksena, wala ka namang ibubuga, di ka naman papatulan ng North Korea, dahil yagit lang tayo sa Asia! Sino ba si Ate Glo sa isyu ng N Korea? May malaking papel ba tayo, kinikilala ba tayo sa rehiyon, may kakayahan ba tayo, siga-siga ba tayo sa Asia? Manahimik ka, anong ipagmamalaki ni Ate Glo, ang pagiging sikat natin bilang japayuki, prosti ng Asia, caregiver-katulong, isang kahig-isang tuka lang tayo, busabos at ang pagiging pulubi natin sa mundo (umaasa sa utang, hingi't pamamalimos). Kung 'di ka ba namang tanga, yung komunistang CPP-NPA at Magdalo lang hirap ka na, babanggain mo pa ang North Korea!
Kung alam lang ni Kim Jong Il ng North Korea na isinusuka na siya ng country, weak at hawak sa leeg si Ate Glo ng mga heneral at politiko, na siya'y isang burikak (di pa nagbababa ng pantalon si Uncle Sam, nakaliyad na) na pangulo, tuso at oportunista, dededmahin nga siya ng N Korea.
Walang bago sa foreign policy ng bansa, mula pa sa panahon ng Commonwealth Quezon hanggang sa kasalukuyan ay nirere-echo (plakado) lamang ng Pinas ang foreign policy ng gubyernong Amerika. Inaasahan na natin ang ganitong pamumustura lalo na't siya'y nalalagay sa alanganin, ipit, nanganganib, survival mode, may political uncertainty, may patuloy na banta ng destabilization at syempre pa nagpapaSIPSIP, lubhang kailanganin niya ang suporta't ayuda mula kay Bush.
Kung matatandaan, sa panawagan ni Bush, ang gubyerno ni Ate Glo ang unang tumugon, nagkumahog, umarangkada at pumaloob sa Coalition of the (may Taliling) Willing na durugin, pulbusin ang IRAQ at gubyerno ni Saddam Husein. Nalagay sa kahihiyang urong-sulong ng mundo si Ate Glo, dahil sa isang hudyat lamang ni Angelo de la Cruz (na-hostage ng Iraqi Liberation Army), tiklop ang buntut at biglang nagsirko sa Coalition. Paano kung patulan ka ni Kim Jong Il, eh di lagot ka, suportahan at mamigay ng armas at ayuda sa ka-chokaran nilang CPP-NPA, (tulad ng gingawa ng US na namimigay ng lumang armamento sa AFP)? Baka, bigla kang mapasugud (dumalaw) sa North Korea at mag-sorry, manikluhod!
Dapat malaman ni Ate Glo na hanggang salita, hanggang dakdak at hanggang porma lamang ang US at ang Japan pag ang North Korea (mas tuso at sigurista sa dalawa) ang kalaban. Hindi tanga at gago ang US na muling ipasubo ang kanyang armed forces at atakihin ang North Korea sa tulad ng ginawa nito sa Iraq at Afghanistan.
Wala ng mukhang ihaharap ang US sa mundo, matapos ang kahihiyang idinulot nito sa paghahanap at pamimintang na may “weapon of mass destruction” , ginamit na excuse upang looban at pagnakawan ang Iraq! Lumalaki araw-araw ang casualty (3,000) ng mga sundalong Kano at bumababa ang moral ng mamamayang Amerikano sa gera.
Ang tunay na pakay, ang tunay na dahilan at layunin ng US ay PAGNAKAWAN ng LANGIS ang IRAQ (papakonti na ang langis sa mundo), yan ang nagdudumilat na katotohanan! Sa kaso ng North Korea, naghahamon na, kakasa, palaban na, nag-testing na at dekleradong inaamin na ng hayagan na mayroon nga silang nuclear armed na missile, eh ano ngayon? Ang nakakatawa rito, bakit nadiwag, nag-atubili si Bush na upakan ang North Korea? Dahil, wala kasing mahihita ang US sa N Korea, WALA itong LANGIS at wala itong mapapakinabangan!!!
Ngayon Ate Glo, sa ginawa mong pag-aanunsyo laban sa North Korea, baka magsisi ka!
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 12, 2006
Monday, July 10, 2006
AFP/PNP: Nag-imbento at may Itinanim? Magdalo, dadami ang sisimpatya
PNP/AFP: Nag-imbento at may itinanim pa?
Sino ang mas may Kredibilidad? Kung anu-anong imbento na ang ibinalagbag laban sa Magdalo. Kesyo may plano raw itong pasabugin ang Batasang Complex sa susunod na Linggong parating, sa araw ng SONA ni Ate Glo, kesyo natagpuan nito ang 13-15 kilos ng TNT na sapat na raw upang waratin ang Batasan/ang Tongreso, may C4 at ilang granda. Ang tanong ngayon, bakit nuon pinagtatawanan ang firecracker at lebentador na nakumpiska ng PNP nuong may ilang pagsabog sa Kamaynilaan?
May panibagong idinagdag na inbensyon, bukud sa pagpapasabog daw ang Batasang Complex (unang paratang), plano rin pala daw ng Magdalo na ihostage ang lahat ng mambabatas, kasama ang maraming nagsasagawa ng kilos protesta. Una, ang tinawag nilang "OPLAN HUCKLE", ngayon naman "Oplan Hackle’s left-right-political opposition conspiracy!"
Kesyo si Lt San Juan ay nagsirko't bumaligtad na sa panig ng gubyerno ni Ate Glo, kesyo hinahabol pa ang ilang tagasuportador nitong mga pulitiko't sibilyan, kesyo, milyon-milyon ang budget ng Magdalo at ito'y tukoy na raw kung sino ang financier, kesyo "nasawata na ang banta at wala na raw mamnggugulo sa SONA at banta ng pagppbagsak sa gubyerno ni Ate Glo?" Kung totoo yan, bakit sa araw ng SONA 9,000 mga PNP ang magbabantay, para anu pa, eh di para sa mga militante.
Parang lumalabas na nagkakatugma-tugma ang timing ng operasyon at kumaklaro na muling gagamitin na naman excuse ang "Oplan Trident", ang PLOT ng rebeldeng sundalo upang katayin, tiris-tirisin, bugbugin at pasistahin ang mga matatahimik na kilos protesta't mga aktibista sa SONA. Ang malungkot, iugnay ang mga ito sa Magdalo at NPA, sa destbilization. Isang buluk, gasgas at lumang tugtuging istilong Marcos.
Kung ganito ng ganito na lamang parati, ay "mukhang dadami na nga ang mga simpatisador ng grupong Magdalo at dahil sa tindi ng lupit na pagtrato ng PNP-AFP sa mga Magdalo, baka magbumerang at MAAWA ang Pinoy, mapilitan na ngang totohanin ng Pinoy ang kampihn ang mga ito (sa isyo ng Illegitimacy ng gubyerno ni AZte Glo) to naman ang sinabi ni Cong Roilo Golez.
Sino ang maniniwalang masasawata na ng Malakanyang ang banta ng junior officers-Magdalo? Iresolba muna nito ang isyu ng "hello Garci, si Jocjoc Bolante at iba pang katiwalian bago ito bigyan ng papuri ng country, ibalik ang karapatan ng mamamayan na magtipun-tipon, mamahayag at kumilos ng malaya (demokrasya) sa bansa.
Para sa mamamayan, hindi ito isyu ng left-rights conspiracy kundi isyu ito ng survival ng demokrsya, ang isyu ng illegitimacy ng pangulo. Sa kanila, mas may kredibilidad, mas totoo, at nagdadala sa tunay na simtyemento ng country ang Magdalo kaysa sa mga PNP at AFP na punong-puno at balot ng katiwalian.
doy cinco
July 10, '06
Magdalo dadami ang sisimpatya
Ni REY MARFIL
Nagbabala kahapon ang dating National Security Adviser ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo sa pagdami ng mga makikisimpatiya sa mga miyembro ng rebeldeng sundalo, partikular sa hanay ng Magdalo gayundin sa grupo ni Army Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim.
Ayon kay Parañaque Rep. Roilo Golez, nagsilbi sa gabinete ni Arroyo bilang National Security Adviser sa loob ng tatlong taon, malalim ang problema sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) at hindi aniya nagtatapos sa pagkakaaresto ng Magdalo soldiers ang ugat nito.
Gayunman, tumangging magbigay ng impormasyon si Golez kung gaano kalalim ang problema sa AFP subalit malaking epekto aniya ang nangyari sa grupo ni Lim at Magdalo soldiers kung saan maaaring makakuha ng simpatiya sa militar at maging sa taumbayan.
Isang nakakadismayang eksena, ayon kay Golez ang pagtrato ng gobyerno sa mga naarestong Magdalo soldiers at grupo ni Lim kung saan nagmukhang kawawa at lumalabas pang inaapi ng mga kampon ni Arroyo.
Kung pagbabatayan umano ang video footages sa lahat ng television station, maging ang mga kuha sa peryodiko, aping-api ang mga miyembro ng Magdalo kung saan walang pinag-iba sa mga kriminal nang ipresinta sa media.
Kasabay nito, pinayuhan ni Golez ang kanyang dating amo na ayusin sa lalong madaling panahon ang problema sa AFP at bigyan ng dignidad ang mga sundalong naaresto dahil naging bahagi rin ang mga ito para ipagtanggol ang gobyernong Arroyo.
"Hindi dapat nilalabas na inaapi, kasi nakakuha ng simpatiya. Iyon ang dapat maayos. Dapat bigyan ng dignidad si Danny Lim at ang Magdalo," ani Golez, Gayunman, ibinasura ni Golez, dating chairman ng House committee on public order and security, ang military intervention upang mapatalsik si Arroyo sa pwesto.
"Kahit kailan, sinasabi ko, ayaw ko ng military intervention kasi hindi magandang paraan ito para baguhin ang gobyerno. Meron tayong impeachment process na dapat sundin," paliwanag ni Golez bilang pagkontra sa kudeta at madugong pagpapatalsik kay Arroyo.
Samantala, pinag-iisipan ng pamunuan ng Philippine National Police (PNP) na maliban sa kasong obstruction of justice for harboring fugitives ay sasampahan din ng kasong rebelyon si Atty. Christopher Belmonte na kasamang nahuli ng anim na miyembro ng rebeldeng Magdalo.
Ito ang sinabi ni PNP spokesman Sr. Supt. Samuel Pagdilao, kung saan masusing pinag-aaralan umano nila kung isasama ang kasong rebelyon laban kay Belmonte bunsod ng mga impormasyong kanilang nakalap.
Sa pagkakataong ito ay sisiguruhin umano ng PNP na hindi na makakapagpiyansa pa si Belmonte sa sandaling maisampa na ang kasong rebelyon laban dito. (With Noel Abuel)
http://www.abante-tonite.com/issue/july1006/main.htm
Sino ang mas may Kredibilidad? Kung anu-anong imbento na ang ibinalagbag laban sa Magdalo. Kesyo may plano raw itong pasabugin ang Batasang Complex sa susunod na Linggong parating, sa araw ng SONA ni Ate Glo, kesyo natagpuan nito ang 13-15 kilos ng TNT na sapat na raw upang waratin ang Batasan/ang Tongreso, may C4 at ilang granda. Ang tanong ngayon, bakit nuon pinagtatawanan ang firecracker at lebentador na nakumpiska ng PNP nuong may ilang pagsabog sa Kamaynilaan?
May panibagong idinagdag na inbensyon, bukud sa pagpapasabog daw ang Batasang Complex (unang paratang), plano rin pala daw ng Magdalo na ihostage ang lahat ng mambabatas, kasama ang maraming nagsasagawa ng kilos protesta. Una, ang tinawag nilang "OPLAN HUCKLE", ngayon naman "Oplan Hackle’s left-right-political opposition conspiracy!"
Kesyo si Lt San Juan ay nagsirko't bumaligtad na sa panig ng gubyerno ni Ate Glo, kesyo hinahabol pa ang ilang tagasuportador nitong mga pulitiko't sibilyan, kesyo, milyon-milyon ang budget ng Magdalo at ito'y tukoy na raw kung sino ang financier, kesyo "nasawata na ang banta at wala na raw mamnggugulo sa SONA at banta ng pagppbagsak sa gubyerno ni Ate Glo?" Kung totoo yan, bakit sa araw ng SONA 9,000 mga PNP ang magbabantay, para anu pa, eh di para sa mga militante.
Parang lumalabas na nagkakatugma-tugma ang timing ng operasyon at kumaklaro na muling gagamitin na naman excuse ang "Oplan Trident", ang PLOT ng rebeldeng sundalo upang katayin, tiris-tirisin, bugbugin at pasistahin ang mga matatahimik na kilos protesta't mga aktibista sa SONA. Ang malungkot, iugnay ang mga ito sa Magdalo at NPA, sa destbilization. Isang buluk, gasgas at lumang tugtuging istilong Marcos.
Kung ganito ng ganito na lamang parati, ay "mukhang dadami na nga ang mga simpatisador ng grupong Magdalo at dahil sa tindi ng lupit na pagtrato ng PNP-AFP sa mga Magdalo, baka magbumerang at MAAWA ang Pinoy, mapilitan na ngang totohanin ng Pinoy ang kampihn ang mga ito (sa isyo ng Illegitimacy ng gubyerno ni AZte Glo) to naman ang sinabi ni Cong Roilo Golez.
Sino ang maniniwalang masasawata na ng Malakanyang ang banta ng junior officers-Magdalo? Iresolba muna nito ang isyu ng "hello Garci, si Jocjoc Bolante at iba pang katiwalian bago ito bigyan ng papuri ng country, ibalik ang karapatan ng mamamayan na magtipun-tipon, mamahayag at kumilos ng malaya (demokrasya) sa bansa.
Para sa mamamayan, hindi ito isyu ng left-rights conspiracy kundi isyu ito ng survival ng demokrsya, ang isyu ng illegitimacy ng pangulo. Sa kanila, mas may kredibilidad, mas totoo, at nagdadala sa tunay na simtyemento ng country ang Magdalo kaysa sa mga PNP at AFP na punong-puno at balot ng katiwalian.
doy cinco
July 10, '06
Magdalo dadami ang sisimpatya
Ni REY MARFIL
Nagbabala kahapon ang dating National Security Adviser ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo sa pagdami ng mga makikisimpatiya sa mga miyembro ng rebeldeng sundalo, partikular sa hanay ng Magdalo gayundin sa grupo ni Army Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim.
Ayon kay Parañaque Rep. Roilo Golez, nagsilbi sa gabinete ni Arroyo bilang National Security Adviser sa loob ng tatlong taon, malalim ang problema sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) at hindi aniya nagtatapos sa pagkakaaresto ng Magdalo soldiers ang ugat nito.
Gayunman, tumangging magbigay ng impormasyon si Golez kung gaano kalalim ang problema sa AFP subalit malaking epekto aniya ang nangyari sa grupo ni Lim at Magdalo soldiers kung saan maaaring makakuha ng simpatiya sa militar at maging sa taumbayan.
Isang nakakadismayang eksena, ayon kay Golez ang pagtrato ng gobyerno sa mga naarestong Magdalo soldiers at grupo ni Lim kung saan nagmukhang kawawa at lumalabas pang inaapi ng mga kampon ni Arroyo.
Kung pagbabatayan umano ang video footages sa lahat ng television station, maging ang mga kuha sa peryodiko, aping-api ang mga miyembro ng Magdalo kung saan walang pinag-iba sa mga kriminal nang ipresinta sa media.
Kasabay nito, pinayuhan ni Golez ang kanyang dating amo na ayusin sa lalong madaling panahon ang problema sa AFP at bigyan ng dignidad ang mga sundalong naaresto dahil naging bahagi rin ang mga ito para ipagtanggol ang gobyernong Arroyo.
"Hindi dapat nilalabas na inaapi, kasi nakakuha ng simpatiya. Iyon ang dapat maayos. Dapat bigyan ng dignidad si Danny Lim at ang Magdalo," ani Golez, Gayunman, ibinasura ni Golez, dating chairman ng House committee on public order and security, ang military intervention upang mapatalsik si Arroyo sa pwesto.
"Kahit kailan, sinasabi ko, ayaw ko ng military intervention kasi hindi magandang paraan ito para baguhin ang gobyerno. Meron tayong impeachment process na dapat sundin," paliwanag ni Golez bilang pagkontra sa kudeta at madugong pagpapatalsik kay Arroyo.
Samantala, pinag-iisipan ng pamunuan ng Philippine National Police (PNP) na maliban sa kasong obstruction of justice for harboring fugitives ay sasampahan din ng kasong rebelyon si Atty. Christopher Belmonte na kasamang nahuli ng anim na miyembro ng rebeldeng Magdalo.
Ito ang sinabi ni PNP spokesman Sr. Supt. Samuel Pagdilao, kung saan masusing pinag-aaralan umano nila kung isasama ang kasong rebelyon laban kay Belmonte bunsod ng mga impormasyong kanilang nakalap.
Sa pagkakataong ito ay sisiguruhin umano ng PNP na hindi na makakapagpiyansa pa si Belmonte sa sandaling maisampa na ang kasong rebelyon laban dito. (With Noel Abuel)
http://www.abante-tonite.com/issue/july1006/main.htm
Sunday, July 09, 2006
Suporta kami, Korek ka dyan! re Angara asks lobbyists vs. biofuels to drop it
SEN. Edgardo Angara yesterday called on oil companies to stop lobbying against the use of biofuels in motor vehicles as prescribed by a proposed measure nearing approval in the Senate.
Angara, one of the principal authors of the measure, said the campaign against the bill is "narrow-minded" and "shortsighted."
"It would really be shortsighted on the part of the oil companies to oppose the bill because rejecting such is primarily against the national interest," he said. He did not name the oil companies lobbying against the bill although officials of Caltex, Shell and Petron were vocal about their opposition to the government’s plan to bring in ethanol fuel as a viable alternative to petroleum products.
Angara said biofuels are not only alternatives but are "imperatives to the country’s energy requirements as well as environmental and economic concerns." He said the use of alternative energy to cut fuel costs is already widespread and demonstrated in countries like Brazil, India, China and Canada where ethanol and coco bio-diesel are extensively used.
"The prospects are really exciting and promising (so) that there is no reason why we cannot or will not approve the bill at year’s end," Angara said.
The country imports 94 percent of its annual oil requirements. The proposal to use 10 percent of biofuel (coconut methyl or coco-diesel blend) in gasoline and diesel sold by oil companies is expected to save the country over $200 million a year in oil bills.
The proposed measure was presented for plenary approval by Senate energy chair Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago before Congress adjourned sine die.
Fernando Martinez, chair of the Independent Philippine Petroleum Companies Association, earlier said their group backs the development of biofuels but expressed doubts if the government has political will to fully enforce it. "Government should muster political will to make it mandatory, with 30 percent blend, in three to five years," Martinez said during one of the many hearings on the measure.
He said funding for local development of biofuels is proving difficult for lack of friendly banks.
Officials of Caltex, Shell and Petron earlier maintained that vehicle engines will have to be modified if the total blend of ethanol fuel exceeds 10 percent. They also said transport and packaging of ethanol fuel would be a challenge since it is "sensitive to humidity." – Dennis Gadil
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul04/metro1.htm
Angara, one of the principal authors of the measure, said the campaign against the bill is "narrow-minded" and "shortsighted."
"It would really be shortsighted on the part of the oil companies to oppose the bill because rejecting such is primarily against the national interest," he said. He did not name the oil companies lobbying against the bill although officials of Caltex, Shell and Petron were vocal about their opposition to the government’s plan to bring in ethanol fuel as a viable alternative to petroleum products.
Angara said biofuels are not only alternatives but are "imperatives to the country’s energy requirements as well as environmental and economic concerns." He said the use of alternative energy to cut fuel costs is already widespread and demonstrated in countries like Brazil, India, China and Canada where ethanol and coco bio-diesel are extensively used.
"The prospects are really exciting and promising (so) that there is no reason why we cannot or will not approve the bill at year’s end," Angara said.
The country imports 94 percent of its annual oil requirements. The proposal to use 10 percent of biofuel (coconut methyl or coco-diesel blend) in gasoline and diesel sold by oil companies is expected to save the country over $200 million a year in oil bills.
The proposed measure was presented for plenary approval by Senate energy chair Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago before Congress adjourned sine die.
Fernando Martinez, chair of the Independent Philippine Petroleum Companies Association, earlier said their group backs the development of biofuels but expressed doubts if the government has political will to fully enforce it. "Government should muster political will to make it mandatory, with 30 percent blend, in three to five years," Martinez said during one of the many hearings on the measure.
He said funding for local development of biofuels is proving difficult for lack of friendly banks.
Officials of Caltex, Shell and Petron earlier maintained that vehicle engines will have to be modified if the total blend of ethanol fuel exceeds 10 percent. They also said transport and packaging of ethanol fuel would be a challenge since it is "sensitive to humidity." – Dennis Gadil
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul04/metro1.htm
Bad English, bad education?
ENGLISH TO BE FULLY RSTORED AS MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION
CLARK FIELD, PAMPANGA, JULY 18, 2006 (STAR) By Ding Cervantes - Incoming Education Secretary Tarlac Rep. Jesli Lapus said here yesterday he will fully restore English as the medium of instruction in the country to upgrade the quality of education and make it "market-driven."
"We have to put English back on the frontline," he said, adding that laws have been passed in Japan requiring that English be taught at the grade school level. Lapus, who is set to assume his new post at the helm of the Department of Education (DepEd) next month, lamented the deterioration of the quality of education in the country.
He also cited findings that Filipino students rate among the lowest 10 percent in mathematics and science proficiency in Asia and below the passing 75 percent in mastery achievement tests. He said books in math and science are written in English and are difficult to translate into Filipino.
Lapus also cited the need to strengthen the "technical orientation" of high school students to make the system more "market-driven." He said high school students’ "infatuation" with white-collar jobs cause many students to take white-collar courses, though many of them end up jobless. Meanwhile, there is a growing demand for skilled technicians who can command salaries even higher than that of a vice president in a corporation.
"We will fully support the ladderized curriculum of the TESDA (Technology and Science Development Authority) that offers short-term technical courses — especially for high school dropouts," he said.
Lapus also said his priority as education secretary is to improve the quality of education by providing more training for teachers. "Most math and science teachers have masteral degrees in other fields," he said, adding that the help of the private sector will be tapped for these teacher-training programs.
With a reenacted 2005 budget of only about P102 billion budget, the DepEd is short by some P7.5 billion for programs meant to be implemented this year, Lapus said. "I plan to ask the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) for some flexibility in this by allocating some savings for education needs," he said.
"Our student population grows at an average rate of 2.7 percent, while the education budget grows only at about two percent," Lapus said. "We can’t catch up with backlogs with inflation rates also rising. Even if education gets an increase of 7.5 percent in its yearly budget, it would be able to catch up only with the (student) population increase."
He said that, in 2000, the national budget’s allocation for education was set at 14 percent, but this year’s allocation is only 11 percent of the total budget appropriation. Lapus also said that with the huge problems confronting the education sector, the DepEd should be "spared from the political crossfire."
He said the DepEd covers about 30 percent of the government bureaucracy, with 92 percent of its budget allocated for payroll. He said that while "I will be the first to advocate fair compensation" for teachers, any pay increase for mentors depends on the availability of funds.
Adequate salaries, he said, would boost the morale of teachers and lead to upgrades in the quality of public education.Lapus said he will try to work out "new standards" for teachers’ salaries — similar to the standards applied for members of the police and military services.
In Congress, Lapus authored bills that sought to improve the welfare of public school teachers, including one that established ceilings on how much could be deducted from their salaries to pay for loans and another imposing a maximum of 18 percent interest, instead of the then prevailing 70 to even 100 percent interest on loans they obtained from various sources, including loan sharks.
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Mukhang wala talaga tayong maaasahan aangat pa ang sistema't kalidad ng ating edukasyon. Wala rin tayong mahihitang magagaling, matino at makabayang mambabatas na lubusang magtatanggol, dedepensa, magpapalakas at magtataguyod ng makabayang-angkop na kultura at kaunlaran ng ating kabataan, partikular sa Science at Math.
Ayon sa ating Konstitusyon, nakasaad sa Seksyon 6 hanggang 9, Artikulo 14 Edukasyon, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture at Sports; Tignan ang "Wika", section 6 hanggang 9, Article 14 ng 1987 Constitution;
SEKSYON 6. Ang wikang pambansa ng Pilipinas ay Filipino. Samantalang nililinang, ito ay dapat payabungin at pagyamanin pa salig sa umiiral na wika sa Pilipinas at sa iba pang mga wika. Alinsunod sa tadhana ng batas at sang-ayon sa nararapat na maaaring ipasya ng Kongreso, dapat magsagawa ng mga hakbangin ang Pamahalaan upang ibunsod at puspusang itaguyod ang paggamit ng Filipino bilang medium ng opisyal na komunikasyon at bilang wika ng pagtuturo sa sistemang pang-edukasyon.
SEKSYON 7. Ukol sa layunin ng komunikasyon at pagtuturo, ang mga wikang opisyal ng Pilipinas ay Filipino at, hangga't walang ibang itinatadhana ang batas, Ingles. Ang mga wikang panrehiyon ay pantulong na mga wikang opisyal sa mga rehiyon at magsisilbi na pantulong na mga wikang panturo roon. Dapat itaguyod ng kusa at opsyonal ang Kastila at Arabic.
SEKSYON 8. Ang Konstitusyong ito ay dapat ipahayag sa Filipino at Ingles, at dapat isalin sa mga pangunahing wikang panrehiyon, Arabic, at Kastila.
SEKSYON 9. Dapat magtatag ng Kongreso ng isang komisyon ng wikang Pambansa na binubuo ng mga kinatawan ng iba't ibang mga rehiyon at mga disiplina na magsasagawa, maguugnay at magtataguyod ng mga pananaliksik sa Filipino at iba pang mga wika para sa kanilang pagpapaunlad, pagpapalaganap, at pagpapanatili.
Ayon kay House Deputy Majority Leader Eduardo Gullas (isang astig na spokening dollar ng Cebu), ang isa raw sa panguning dahilan kung bakit bumagsak, nanglumo ang mayorya ng ating mag-aaral sa Math at Science ay dahil daw sa “poor English”, may kulang at hirap sa pag-intindi't pagsasalita ng English!
Sa ulat na pinagbatayang isinagawa ng DepED, “wala raw kaduda-dudang may kinalaman ang pagiging handicapped sa Math at Science ng mga mag-aaral sa inadequate nito sa pag-intindi sa English!"
Sa resulta ng huling National Achievement Test sa Elementarya, ipinakitang mayroon na lamang 26.4% mag-aaral ang sanay umintindi sa English. Sa magkaparehong pagsasanay, 14.7% at 30% lamang ang pumapasa sa Math at Science. Mas malala raw ang sa High School level kung saan, sa 6.6% na nakakaunawa sa English, mayroon lamang 1.75% ang pumapasa sa Science at 16.4% sa Math.
Ayon kay Gullas, ang kakulangan ng kasanayan sa pagtutro ang nagpalala ng problema. Sa ulat ng Deped, sinabi ni Gullas na walang required specialization sa pagtuturo ng Math at Science ang 23,866 total na public secondary school teachers sa bansa. According sa report, 58 percent ng General Science teachers or 5,073 ay non-majors; 56 percent of Biology teachers or 4,237 ay non-majors; 66 percent of Chemistry teachers or 4,566 ay non-majors; 73 percent ng Physics teachers or 4,687 ay non-majors; and 20 percent ng Math teachers or 5,303 ay non-majors.
Kung di ba namang sanglaksang may katangahan kayo lahat diyan sa pamunuang Dep Ed at mismo ang gubyernong Macapagal Arroyo. Paano ba naman mauunawaan, huhusay ang ating mag-aaral sa Math at Science subject kung ang ginagamit nating resource at reference materials (pawang mga aklat na English at Math and Science manuals) ay pawang nakasulat sa English! Bakit hindi ninyo i-translate sa wikang Pilipino ang mga manwal, instruction materials at ang mga module na yan!
Ano ang kinalaman ng ating Konstitusyon o ang nakasaad na "ang Filipino ang siyang magiging wikang Pambansa" sa deterioration (panlulupaypay) ng Math at Science ng mag-aaral sa mababang paaralan ng bansa?
Dagdag ni Gullas, “To begin with, Math and Science manuals and most other books for that matter are in English, so learning becomes extremely difficult if the student has deficient English,” Gullas pointed out. “Obviously, a student who cannot easily understand English will have difficulty solving a Math or a Physics problem that is couched in English.” Sa kanya, kailangang ibalik daw sa English ang medium ng pagtuturo sa bansa!
Sa isinagawang pag-aaral ng Third International Math and Science (TIMSS) noong dekada 90s sa mahigit kalahating milyong kabataan ng mundo, pang-labing pito (17th) at pangdalawangput walo (28th) lamang ang USA sa agham at matematika. Nangunguna ang bansang Singapore, S. Korea, Czech Republic, Japan, Bulgaria, Netherland, Hungary, Austria at Belgium.
Ngayon, batay sa datos, English ba ang medium of instruction sa Korea, sa Japan, sa Czec Republic, sa Belgium, sa Netherland at marami pang bansang maunlad, na magaling, excellent sa Math at Science, na hindi naisama sa survey (China, Russia at Cuba).
Kalahok dito ang Pinoy kaya lang hindi ito naisama sa opisyal na talaan sa kadahilanang nasa kulelat ang ating mag-aaral.
May sinirang mga “alamat” ang TIMMS. Una, wala sa laki ng badyet ang kahusayan sa pagtuturo sa agham at matematika. Hamak na ang liit na ginagastos ng Czech Republic at South Korea sa edukasyon ngunit ungos na ungos ang mga ito sa malalakas gumastos na bansang gaya ng Germany at Great Britain. Hindi rin nakukuha sa liit ng klase at haba ng oras sa pag-aaral.
Pangalawa, Maliliit lamang lagi ang bilang ng mag-aaral sa klase sa France, United State at Great Britain. Samantala’y laging doble ang laki ng mga klase sa mga bansa sa Asia, kahit sa Singapore at Hongkong, ngunit matataas ang marka kaysa sa nabanggit na mayayamang bansang Europeo at AMerika.
Kung ang wikang English ang mag-aahon sa karalitaan at mataas na antas ng ating pamumuhay, kung ang English ang magpapawi ng karalitaan, kung ang English ang magpapalago ng industriya’t teknolohiya at empleyo, kung ang English ang papawi sa pagiging busabos ng Pinoy sa mata ng mundo, kung ang English ang magdadala ng maraming gintong medalya sa tuwing may palaro sa Olympic at kung ang English ang siyang daan sa pagkakaisa, baka siguro numero uno na tayo sa lahat ng bagay sa Asya! (dahil limang (5) dekada nating hinawakan ang tronong ikatlo tayo sa mundo ang nagsasalita ng English, english carabao nga lang)
Mahalagang magkaroon ng independent, tapat at masusing imbistigasyon ang Senado, kasama ang DepEd at mga ilang mga dalubhasang akademiko sa unibersidad kung bakit KULELAT na tayo at nagkakanda-leche-leche ang ating mga mag-aaral sa Math at English at pabulusuk na kangkungan ang sistema ng edukasyon sa bansa?
Kung hindi magbabago ang trend, mukhang kumaklarong “Call Center, DOLYAR at pawang pagluluwas na lamang ng mga manggagawang Pinoy sa ibayong dagat (OFW-caregiver, teachers, nursing, skilled labor) ang pangunahing direksyon at patunguhan ng ating edukasyon, industria't ekonomya. Kung ako kay Gullas, manirahan na lang siya sa Amerika at “wag na siyang babalik (awit ni Chikoy Pura ng The Jerks)!”
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 9, 2006
CLARK FIELD, PAMPANGA, JULY 18, 2006 (STAR) By Ding Cervantes - Incoming Education Secretary Tarlac Rep. Jesli Lapus said here yesterday he will fully restore English as the medium of instruction in the country to upgrade the quality of education and make it "market-driven."
"We have to put English back on the frontline," he said, adding that laws have been passed in Japan requiring that English be taught at the grade school level. Lapus, who is set to assume his new post at the helm of the Department of Education (DepEd) next month, lamented the deterioration of the quality of education in the country.
He also cited findings that Filipino students rate among the lowest 10 percent in mathematics and science proficiency in Asia and below the passing 75 percent in mastery achievement tests. He said books in math and science are written in English and are difficult to translate into Filipino.
Lapus also cited the need to strengthen the "technical orientation" of high school students to make the system more "market-driven." He said high school students’ "infatuation" with white-collar jobs cause many students to take white-collar courses, though many of them end up jobless. Meanwhile, there is a growing demand for skilled technicians who can command salaries even higher than that of a vice president in a corporation.
"We will fully support the ladderized curriculum of the TESDA (Technology and Science Development Authority) that offers short-term technical courses — especially for high school dropouts," he said.
Lapus also said his priority as education secretary is to improve the quality of education by providing more training for teachers. "Most math and science teachers have masteral degrees in other fields," he said, adding that the help of the private sector will be tapped for these teacher-training programs.
With a reenacted 2005 budget of only about P102 billion budget, the DepEd is short by some P7.5 billion for programs meant to be implemented this year, Lapus said. "I plan to ask the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) for some flexibility in this by allocating some savings for education needs," he said.
"Our student population grows at an average rate of 2.7 percent, while the education budget grows only at about two percent," Lapus said. "We can’t catch up with backlogs with inflation rates also rising. Even if education gets an increase of 7.5 percent in its yearly budget, it would be able to catch up only with the (student) population increase."
He said that, in 2000, the national budget’s allocation for education was set at 14 percent, but this year’s allocation is only 11 percent of the total budget appropriation. Lapus also said that with the huge problems confronting the education sector, the DepEd should be "spared from the political crossfire."
He said the DepEd covers about 30 percent of the government bureaucracy, with 92 percent of its budget allocated for payroll. He said that while "I will be the first to advocate fair compensation" for teachers, any pay increase for mentors depends on the availability of funds.
Adequate salaries, he said, would boost the morale of teachers and lead to upgrades in the quality of public education.Lapus said he will try to work out "new standards" for teachers’ salaries — similar to the standards applied for members of the police and military services.
In Congress, Lapus authored bills that sought to improve the welfare of public school teachers, including one that established ceilings on how much could be deducted from their salaries to pay for loans and another imposing a maximum of 18 percent interest, instead of the then prevailing 70 to even 100 percent interest on loans they obtained from various sources, including loan sharks.
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Mukhang wala talaga tayong maaasahan aangat pa ang sistema't kalidad ng ating edukasyon. Wala rin tayong mahihitang magagaling, matino at makabayang mambabatas na lubusang magtatanggol, dedepensa, magpapalakas at magtataguyod ng makabayang-angkop na kultura at kaunlaran ng ating kabataan, partikular sa Science at Math.
Ayon sa ating Konstitusyon, nakasaad sa Seksyon 6 hanggang 9, Artikulo 14 Edukasyon, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture at Sports; Tignan ang "Wika", section 6 hanggang 9, Article 14 ng 1987 Constitution;
SEKSYON 6. Ang wikang pambansa ng Pilipinas ay Filipino. Samantalang nililinang, ito ay dapat payabungin at pagyamanin pa salig sa umiiral na wika sa Pilipinas at sa iba pang mga wika. Alinsunod sa tadhana ng batas at sang-ayon sa nararapat na maaaring ipasya ng Kongreso, dapat magsagawa ng mga hakbangin ang Pamahalaan upang ibunsod at puspusang itaguyod ang paggamit ng Filipino bilang medium ng opisyal na komunikasyon at bilang wika ng pagtuturo sa sistemang pang-edukasyon.
SEKSYON 7. Ukol sa layunin ng komunikasyon at pagtuturo, ang mga wikang opisyal ng Pilipinas ay Filipino at, hangga't walang ibang itinatadhana ang batas, Ingles. Ang mga wikang panrehiyon ay pantulong na mga wikang opisyal sa mga rehiyon at magsisilbi na pantulong na mga wikang panturo roon. Dapat itaguyod ng kusa at opsyonal ang Kastila at Arabic.
SEKSYON 8. Ang Konstitusyong ito ay dapat ipahayag sa Filipino at Ingles, at dapat isalin sa mga pangunahing wikang panrehiyon, Arabic, at Kastila.
SEKSYON 9. Dapat magtatag ng Kongreso ng isang komisyon ng wikang Pambansa na binubuo ng mga kinatawan ng iba't ibang mga rehiyon at mga disiplina na magsasagawa, maguugnay at magtataguyod ng mga pananaliksik sa Filipino at iba pang mga wika para sa kanilang pagpapaunlad, pagpapalaganap, at pagpapanatili.
Ayon kay House Deputy Majority Leader Eduardo Gullas (isang astig na spokening dollar ng Cebu), ang isa raw sa panguning dahilan kung bakit bumagsak, nanglumo ang mayorya ng ating mag-aaral sa Math at Science ay dahil daw sa “poor English”, may kulang at hirap sa pag-intindi't pagsasalita ng English!
Sa ulat na pinagbatayang isinagawa ng DepED, “wala raw kaduda-dudang may kinalaman ang pagiging handicapped sa Math at Science ng mga mag-aaral sa inadequate nito sa pag-intindi sa English!"
Sa resulta ng huling National Achievement Test sa Elementarya, ipinakitang mayroon na lamang 26.4% mag-aaral ang sanay umintindi sa English. Sa magkaparehong pagsasanay, 14.7% at 30% lamang ang pumapasa sa Math at Science. Mas malala raw ang sa High School level kung saan, sa 6.6% na nakakaunawa sa English, mayroon lamang 1.75% ang pumapasa sa Science at 16.4% sa Math.
Ayon kay Gullas, ang kakulangan ng kasanayan sa pagtutro ang nagpalala ng problema. Sa ulat ng Deped, sinabi ni Gullas na walang required specialization sa pagtuturo ng Math at Science ang 23,866 total na public secondary school teachers sa bansa. According sa report, 58 percent ng General Science teachers or 5,073 ay non-majors; 56 percent of Biology teachers or 4,237 ay non-majors; 66 percent of Chemistry teachers or 4,566 ay non-majors; 73 percent ng Physics teachers or 4,687 ay non-majors; and 20 percent ng Math teachers or 5,303 ay non-majors.
Kung di ba namang sanglaksang may katangahan kayo lahat diyan sa pamunuang Dep Ed at mismo ang gubyernong Macapagal Arroyo. Paano ba naman mauunawaan, huhusay ang ating mag-aaral sa Math at Science subject kung ang ginagamit nating resource at reference materials (pawang mga aklat na English at Math and Science manuals) ay pawang nakasulat sa English! Bakit hindi ninyo i-translate sa wikang Pilipino ang mga manwal, instruction materials at ang mga module na yan!
Ano ang kinalaman ng ating Konstitusyon o ang nakasaad na "ang Filipino ang siyang magiging wikang Pambansa" sa deterioration (panlulupaypay) ng Math at Science ng mag-aaral sa mababang paaralan ng bansa?
Dagdag ni Gullas, “To begin with, Math and Science manuals and most other books for that matter are in English, so learning becomes extremely difficult if the student has deficient English,” Gullas pointed out. “Obviously, a student who cannot easily understand English will have difficulty solving a Math or a Physics problem that is couched in English.” Sa kanya, kailangang ibalik daw sa English ang medium ng pagtuturo sa bansa!
Sa isinagawang pag-aaral ng Third International Math and Science (TIMSS) noong dekada 90s sa mahigit kalahating milyong kabataan ng mundo, pang-labing pito (17th) at pangdalawangput walo (28th) lamang ang USA sa agham at matematika. Nangunguna ang bansang Singapore, S. Korea, Czech Republic, Japan, Bulgaria, Netherland, Hungary, Austria at Belgium.
Ngayon, batay sa datos, English ba ang medium of instruction sa Korea, sa Japan, sa Czec Republic, sa Belgium, sa Netherland at marami pang bansang maunlad, na magaling, excellent sa Math at Science, na hindi naisama sa survey (China, Russia at Cuba).
Kalahok dito ang Pinoy kaya lang hindi ito naisama sa opisyal na talaan sa kadahilanang nasa kulelat ang ating mag-aaral.
May sinirang mga “alamat” ang TIMMS. Una, wala sa laki ng badyet ang kahusayan sa pagtuturo sa agham at matematika. Hamak na ang liit na ginagastos ng Czech Republic at South Korea sa edukasyon ngunit ungos na ungos ang mga ito sa malalakas gumastos na bansang gaya ng Germany at Great Britain. Hindi rin nakukuha sa liit ng klase at haba ng oras sa pag-aaral.
Pangalawa, Maliliit lamang lagi ang bilang ng mag-aaral sa klase sa France, United State at Great Britain. Samantala’y laging doble ang laki ng mga klase sa mga bansa sa Asia, kahit sa Singapore at Hongkong, ngunit matataas ang marka kaysa sa nabanggit na mayayamang bansang Europeo at AMerika.
Kung ang wikang English ang mag-aahon sa karalitaan at mataas na antas ng ating pamumuhay, kung ang English ang magpapawi ng karalitaan, kung ang English ang magpapalago ng industriya’t teknolohiya at empleyo, kung ang English ang papawi sa pagiging busabos ng Pinoy sa mata ng mundo, kung ang English ang magdadala ng maraming gintong medalya sa tuwing may palaro sa Olympic at kung ang English ang siyang daan sa pagkakaisa, baka siguro numero uno na tayo sa lahat ng bagay sa Asya! (dahil limang (5) dekada nating hinawakan ang tronong ikatlo tayo sa mundo ang nagsasalita ng English, english carabao nga lang)
Mahalagang magkaroon ng independent, tapat at masusing imbistigasyon ang Senado, kasama ang DepEd at mga ilang mga dalubhasang akademiko sa unibersidad kung bakit KULELAT na tayo at nagkakanda-leche-leche ang ating mga mag-aaral sa Math at English at pabulusuk na kangkungan ang sistema ng edukasyon sa bansa?
Kung hindi magbabago ang trend, mukhang kumaklarong “Call Center, DOLYAR at pawang pagluluwas na lamang ng mga manggagawang Pinoy sa ibayong dagat (OFW-caregiver, teachers, nursing, skilled labor) ang pangunahing direksyon at patunguhan ng ating edukasyon, industria't ekonomya. Kung ako kay Gullas, manirahan na lang siya sa Amerika at “wag na siyang babalik (awit ni Chikoy Pura ng The Jerks)!”
Doy Cinco / IPD
July 9, 2006
Saturday, July 08, 2006
BAGONG BANTA! Retiradong heneral mag-aalsa?
BAGONG BANTA!
Retiradong heneral mag-aalsa?
Ni ROSE MIRANDA
May bagong banta ng pag-aalsa ng militar na namonitor ang Malacañang at ito ay may kinalaman sa pagiging nominado ni Philippine Army chief Hermogenes Esperon sa puwestong Armed Forces Chief of Staff, kapalit nang magreretirong si Gen. Generoso Senga sa Hulyo 21.
Si Esperon ay matatandaang isa sa mga heneral na sangkot sa "Hello Garci" controversy sa akusasyong tumulong umano ito upang "lutuin" ang resulta ng 2004 presidential elections.
Kinumpirma kahapon sa Abante ng mapagkakatiwalaang palace source na may direktang ugnayan sa militar, nakakalap umano sila ng impormasyon na ilang samahan ng mga retirado at aktibong heneral ang kumakausap sa mga miyembro ng hukbo partikular ng junior military officers upang mag-alsa sakaling si Esperon ang piliin ni Pangulong Gloria Arroyo na maging AFP chief of staff (CoS).
May mga kalatas na umanong ipinamudmod sa iba't ibang quarters ng militar at nagsisilbing smear campaign kay Esperon at ilan sa ito ay nakumpiska at nasa kamay na ng intelligence community.
Nagsimula umano ang aktuwal na panggagapang simula pa noong nakaraang buwan ngunit umiigting umano ngayon matapos ang paglantad ng videotape ni Gen. Danilo Lim.
Ang magkahiwalay na grupong gumagapang, ayon sa source, ay malapit kina dating Senador Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan at dating military chief Fortunato Abat bagama't walang direktang impormasyon kung may basbas ng dalawa ang nasabing pagkilos.
Ilan sa mga "ibinubulong" umano sa mga junior military officers ay ang sama-samang pag-abandona sa kani-kanilang quarters o mass leave sakaling umigting ang panggigipit kay Lim at matiyak na si Esperon na nga ang "manok" ng palasyo sa AFP CoS post.
Alam na umano ni Pangulong Arroyo ang nasabing "panggagapang" at bantang paggalaw ng hukbong sandatahan at ang koneksyon nito sa simpatiyang dadagsa sa hanay ng militar pabor kay Lim kung kaya inatasan nito sina Senga at Defense Sec. Avelino Cruz na agad na umaksyon hinggil dito.
Nagsagawa na rin ng closed door meeting ang AFP leadership sa usapin kung saan pinayapa umano ni Senga si Esperon at iba pang nominado sa puwesto sa pagsasabing hindi ito dapat na maging mitsa ng kanilang 'di pagkakaunawaan dahil ito ay inisyatibo ng mga "outsiders" sa militar.
Sa nasabing pagpupulong ay tiniyak na rin ng iba pang nominado sa puwesto na sina AFP Vice Chief of Staff Antonio Romero, Deputy chief of staff Christie Datu, Philippine Navy chief Mateo Mayuga at Philippine Air Force chief Jose Reyes kay Esperon na mananatili ang propesyunalismo nila sino man ang mapisil ng Malacañang na kapalit ni Senga.
Ayon sa ulat, sinuman kina Romero at Reyes ang napipisil ng nakakaraming sundalo na maging kapalit ni Senga, samantalang delikado rin sa panlasa ng mga ito si Mayuga dahil sa umano'y hindi impresibong imbestigasyon sa pagkakasangkot ng ilang military generals sa akusasyong pandaraya sa 2004 polls kung saan "nilinis" si Esperon.
Sinabi naman ni Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita na walang dahilan upang mag-alsa ang sinuman dahil idadaan sa proseso ang pagpisil ng AFP CoS base sa rekomendasyon ng AFP Board of Generals.
Pinabulaanan din ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye ang isyung "gapangan" at bantang pag-aalsa sa pagsasabing solido ang militar at susuportahan ng mga ito sinuman ang ipapalit kay Senga.
http://www.abante.com.ph/issue/july0806/main.htm
SNAP ELECTIONS!
Ni Bernard Taguinod
Handang iurong ng oposisyon sa Mababang Kapulungan ng Kongreso ang kanilang isinampang impeachment case laban kay Pangulong Gloria Mapacagal-Arroyo kung magpapatawag ng snap elections ang Malacañang at isasabay sa nakatakdang halalan sa susunod na taon.
Ito ang inilatag na kondisyon ng oposisyon sa Kamara sa kanilang press conference kahapon kaugnay ng patuloy na pagdami ng mga complainants sa ikalawang impeachment case.
Sa pagharap sa media nina Taguig-Pateros Rep. Allan Peter Cayetano at CIBAC party-list Rep. Joel Villanueva, sinabi ng dalawa na bukas ang kanilang kampo na iurong ang pag-endorso sa naturang reklamo kung handang harapin ni Arroyo ang mga isyung tulad ng kanyang pagiging elihitimong lider ng bansa.
Sa kanilang paliwanag, dalawang bagay lamang ang pwedeng gawin ni Arroyo, humarap sa taumbayan at ipaliwanag kung bakit hindi siya lehitimo at kung hindi man ay pwede niya itong idaan sa snap election.
Ipinaliwanag ng dalawang kongresista na mananatili ang problemang kinakaharap ni Arroyo sa taumbayan at maging sa militar hanggang hindi nito nasasagot ang isyu sa legitimacy ng pagkapangulo nito.
Sa ganitong paraan, anila, lamang mareresolbahan ang problema ng bansa dahil hindi uubra na idaan sa LBM o Leader Binibili ng Malacañang, ang pagpatay sa impeachment case.
"Kung ayaw niya (GMA) ng impeachment, humarap siya (sa anumang forum) o kaya magpatawag na lamang siya ng snap election para maisabay sa 2007 election," pahayag ni Cayetano.
Sinabi naman ni Villanueva na hindi maaaring idaan lamang sa pera at pwersa ang pagpatay sa impeachment 2 dahil hangga’t hindi sinasagot ang mga ibinabatong alegasyon sa Pangulo ay mananatili itong walang katahimikan.
"Kaya nga hindi tayo matahimik dahil ayaw nilang sumagot. Sagutin lang niya ang mga problemang ito, wala tayong pag-uusapan," pahayag ni Villanueva.
Isa, anila, sa mga pruweba na walang katahimikan si Arroyo ay ang gulong nagaganap ngayon sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) tulad ng tangkang pagkalas ni Army General Danilo Lim kay Arroyo noong Pebrero 2006.
Maging ang pagtakas ng Magdalo soldiers ay indikasyon din umano na hindi pa ganap na natatahimik si Arroyo at ma-linaw na nag-uugat ang kanyang problema sa isyu ng legitimacy ng kanyang pagkapangulo at dayaan noong eleksyon.
"Kung hindi magpapaliwanag ang pangulo, hahanap at hahanap ng paraan ang mga tao pati na ang mga sundalo para malaman ang totoo," ani Cayetano.
http://www.abante-tonite.com/issue/july0806/main.htm
Retiradong heneral mag-aalsa?
Ni ROSE MIRANDA
May bagong banta ng pag-aalsa ng militar na namonitor ang Malacañang at ito ay may kinalaman sa pagiging nominado ni Philippine Army chief Hermogenes Esperon sa puwestong Armed Forces Chief of Staff, kapalit nang magreretirong si Gen. Generoso Senga sa Hulyo 21.
Si Esperon ay matatandaang isa sa mga heneral na sangkot sa "Hello Garci" controversy sa akusasyong tumulong umano ito upang "lutuin" ang resulta ng 2004 presidential elections.
Kinumpirma kahapon sa Abante ng mapagkakatiwalaang palace source na may direktang ugnayan sa militar, nakakalap umano sila ng impormasyon na ilang samahan ng mga retirado at aktibong heneral ang kumakausap sa mga miyembro ng hukbo partikular ng junior military officers upang mag-alsa sakaling si Esperon ang piliin ni Pangulong Gloria Arroyo na maging AFP chief of staff (CoS).
May mga kalatas na umanong ipinamudmod sa iba't ibang quarters ng militar at nagsisilbing smear campaign kay Esperon at ilan sa ito ay nakumpiska at nasa kamay na ng intelligence community.
Nagsimula umano ang aktuwal na panggagapang simula pa noong nakaraang buwan ngunit umiigting umano ngayon matapos ang paglantad ng videotape ni Gen. Danilo Lim.
Ang magkahiwalay na grupong gumagapang, ayon sa source, ay malapit kina dating Senador Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan at dating military chief Fortunato Abat bagama't walang direktang impormasyon kung may basbas ng dalawa ang nasabing pagkilos.
Ilan sa mga "ibinubulong" umano sa mga junior military officers ay ang sama-samang pag-abandona sa kani-kanilang quarters o mass leave sakaling umigting ang panggigipit kay Lim at matiyak na si Esperon na nga ang "manok" ng palasyo sa AFP CoS post.
Alam na umano ni Pangulong Arroyo ang nasabing "panggagapang" at bantang paggalaw ng hukbong sandatahan at ang koneksyon nito sa simpatiyang dadagsa sa hanay ng militar pabor kay Lim kung kaya inatasan nito sina Senga at Defense Sec. Avelino Cruz na agad na umaksyon hinggil dito.
Nagsagawa na rin ng closed door meeting ang AFP leadership sa usapin kung saan pinayapa umano ni Senga si Esperon at iba pang nominado sa puwesto sa pagsasabing hindi ito dapat na maging mitsa ng kanilang 'di pagkakaunawaan dahil ito ay inisyatibo ng mga "outsiders" sa militar.
Sa nasabing pagpupulong ay tiniyak na rin ng iba pang nominado sa puwesto na sina AFP Vice Chief of Staff Antonio Romero, Deputy chief of staff Christie Datu, Philippine Navy chief Mateo Mayuga at Philippine Air Force chief Jose Reyes kay Esperon na mananatili ang propesyunalismo nila sino man ang mapisil ng Malacañang na kapalit ni Senga.
Ayon sa ulat, sinuman kina Romero at Reyes ang napipisil ng nakakaraming sundalo na maging kapalit ni Senga, samantalang delikado rin sa panlasa ng mga ito si Mayuga dahil sa umano'y hindi impresibong imbestigasyon sa pagkakasangkot ng ilang military generals sa akusasyong pandaraya sa 2004 polls kung saan "nilinis" si Esperon.
Sinabi naman ni Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita na walang dahilan upang mag-alsa ang sinuman dahil idadaan sa proseso ang pagpisil ng AFP CoS base sa rekomendasyon ng AFP Board of Generals.
Pinabulaanan din ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye ang isyung "gapangan" at bantang pag-aalsa sa pagsasabing solido ang militar at susuportahan ng mga ito sinuman ang ipapalit kay Senga.
http://www.abante.com.ph/issue/july0806/main.htm
SNAP ELECTIONS!
Ni Bernard Taguinod
Handang iurong ng oposisyon sa Mababang Kapulungan ng Kongreso ang kanilang isinampang impeachment case laban kay Pangulong Gloria Mapacagal-Arroyo kung magpapatawag ng snap elections ang Malacañang at isasabay sa nakatakdang halalan sa susunod na taon.
Ito ang inilatag na kondisyon ng oposisyon sa Kamara sa kanilang press conference kahapon kaugnay ng patuloy na pagdami ng mga complainants sa ikalawang impeachment case.
Sa pagharap sa media nina Taguig-Pateros Rep. Allan Peter Cayetano at CIBAC party-list Rep. Joel Villanueva, sinabi ng dalawa na bukas ang kanilang kampo na iurong ang pag-endorso sa naturang reklamo kung handang harapin ni Arroyo ang mga isyung tulad ng kanyang pagiging elihitimong lider ng bansa.
Sa kanilang paliwanag, dalawang bagay lamang ang pwedeng gawin ni Arroyo, humarap sa taumbayan at ipaliwanag kung bakit hindi siya lehitimo at kung hindi man ay pwede niya itong idaan sa snap election.
Ipinaliwanag ng dalawang kongresista na mananatili ang problemang kinakaharap ni Arroyo sa taumbayan at maging sa militar hanggang hindi nito nasasagot ang isyu sa legitimacy ng pagkapangulo nito.
Sa ganitong paraan, anila, lamang mareresolbahan ang problema ng bansa dahil hindi uubra na idaan sa LBM o Leader Binibili ng Malacañang, ang pagpatay sa impeachment case.
"Kung ayaw niya (GMA) ng impeachment, humarap siya (sa anumang forum) o kaya magpatawag na lamang siya ng snap election para maisabay sa 2007 election," pahayag ni Cayetano.
Sinabi naman ni Villanueva na hindi maaaring idaan lamang sa pera at pwersa ang pagpatay sa impeachment 2 dahil hangga’t hindi sinasagot ang mga ibinabatong alegasyon sa Pangulo ay mananatili itong walang katahimikan.
"Kaya nga hindi tayo matahimik dahil ayaw nilang sumagot. Sagutin lang niya ang mga problemang ito, wala tayong pag-uusapan," pahayag ni Villanueva.
Isa, anila, sa mga pruweba na walang katahimikan si Arroyo ay ang gulong nagaganap ngayon sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) tulad ng tangkang pagkalas ni Army General Danilo Lim kay Arroyo noong Pebrero 2006.
Maging ang pagtakas ng Magdalo soldiers ay indikasyon din umano na hindi pa ganap na natatahimik si Arroyo at ma-linaw na nag-uugat ang kanyang problema sa isyu ng legitimacy ng kanyang pagkapangulo at dayaan noong eleksyon.
"Kung hindi magpapaliwanag ang pangulo, hahanap at hahanap ng paraan ang mga tao pati na ang mga sundalo para malaman ang totoo," ani Cayetano.
http://www.abante-tonite.com/issue/july0806/main.htm
Friday, July 07, 2006
Kambal Tuko: Danny Tape at Garci Tape
Kudeta, sedisyon, rebelyon, article of war o court martial ang ikakaso sa dating puno ng Scout Ranger na si Gen Danny Lim? Kung kudeta, may kalabuan dahil wala namang kudetang nangyari. Malayong-malayo ito (1987-89) sa mabangis na kudetang inilunsad nung kapanahunan ni Presidente Cory Aquino. Magkakatuwang na isinagawa ng RAM-SFP-YOU, kung saan, maraming napinsalang ari-arian, buhay, ari-arian at nasira ang umaarangkada na sanang kumpiansa ng namumuhunan sa bansa.
Kung sedition at rebelyon? Mukhang alanganin, sapagkat isa lamang “withdrawal of support” at hindi naman consumated ito o binalak pero hindi naipatupad, sa madali't sabi, naunsyami! Nasaan nga naman ang sedisyon at rebelyon dun? Ang totoo pa nga daw, si Danny Lim pa nga ang umawat sa mga maiinit na junior officers na i-assault na ang Malakanyang nuong nakaraang Pebrero,'06. Kaya't sa totoo lang, maari pa ngang magpasalamat ang Malakanyang kay Danny Lim. Ang sedisyon at rebelyon ay lubhang malayong-malayo sa patuloy na inilulunsad ng mga kaaway ng gubyerno, ang CPP at NPA.
Kung ibabase ang kaso sa Article of War at iko-”court martial” ang maramihang kasangkot dito at kapag itinuloy ang pagpaparusa sa mga miyembro ng militar na inaakusahan daw sa kudeta, posibleng mag-init na naman ang mga junior officers sa hanay ng militar at imbis na maistabilisa, mag-alburuto, lumala ang pagbaba ng morale (restiveness) ng mga sundalo at sumabog ang sitwasyon?
Ayon sa ibang nagmamasid, ang timing ng pagpapalabas ng “Danny Tape” sa publiko ay kduda-duda. Ayon kay Sen Biazon, sinadya at masinsinang pinagplanuhan ito ng ilang malapit na Heneral (AFP) ng Malakanyang (Gen. Esperon?) ang “Danny Tape” upang ilito at ibaling ang atensyon ng mamamayan sa umiinit na ikalawang impeachment complaint kay Ate Glo. Sinasabi ring na, isa itong pagsubuk (testing the water), pagtantya at pag-antabay sa posibleng magiging reaksyon ng ilang matataas at junior officers sa AFP.
Maaring magkaroon ng backlash ang nasabing pagsasapubliko (no win situation sa pig ng Malakanyang) ng Danny Tape. Kung masama, kung illegal at kung labag sa Konstitusyon ang “withdraw of support” ng grupo nila Gen Danny Lim, walang dudang masama at illegal din ang “withdrawal of support” ni Sec Gen Angelo Reyes nung 2001 Edsa revolution, ang kapanahun ng dating Presidenteng si Erap Estrada. Ang kaibhan nga lang, nabigo ang huli at nagwagi ang grupo ni Gen Angelo Reyes.
Sa totoo lang, mas magaang pa nga ang dating ng panawagan nil Gen Lim, kung ikukumpara sa kaso ni Gen Angelo Reyes nung panahon ni Erap, mga Kudeta ng RAM-SFP -YOU at ni Gringo Honasan nung kapanahon ni Tita Cory.
Ano ang ipinapakita ng Danny Video? Nakakatulong ba ito sa Malakanyan o nakakasira sa katatagan ng gubyerno? Pinatutunayan lamang na totoo ngang may alingasngas sa hanay ng AFP, totoong watak-watak na ang hanay ng militar, kabalintunaang sa sinasabi ng chief of staff Gen Senga,ni Gen Esperonng AFP na solid, nasa panig ng Konstitusyon, may propesyunalismo at susuporta ang lahat sa ilalim ng pamumuno ng commander in chief.
Pinapakita lamang na may namumuong restiveeness sa hanay ng AFP, lalo na sa hanay ng Junior officers. Ipinapakita lamang na ang Danny Tape na “ganun na nga kalaki, kalawak at kasolido ang restiveness sa loob ng AFP.
Doy cinco/ipd
July7, 2006
Kung sedition at rebelyon? Mukhang alanganin, sapagkat isa lamang “withdrawal of support” at hindi naman consumated ito o binalak pero hindi naipatupad, sa madali't sabi, naunsyami! Nasaan nga naman ang sedisyon at rebelyon dun? Ang totoo pa nga daw, si Danny Lim pa nga ang umawat sa mga maiinit na junior officers na i-assault na ang Malakanyang nuong nakaraang Pebrero,'06. Kaya't sa totoo lang, maari pa ngang magpasalamat ang Malakanyang kay Danny Lim. Ang sedisyon at rebelyon ay lubhang malayong-malayo sa patuloy na inilulunsad ng mga kaaway ng gubyerno, ang CPP at NPA.
Kung ibabase ang kaso sa Article of War at iko-”court martial” ang maramihang kasangkot dito at kapag itinuloy ang pagpaparusa sa mga miyembro ng militar na inaakusahan daw sa kudeta, posibleng mag-init na naman ang mga junior officers sa hanay ng militar at imbis na maistabilisa, mag-alburuto, lumala ang pagbaba ng morale (restiveness) ng mga sundalo at sumabog ang sitwasyon?
Ayon sa ibang nagmamasid, ang timing ng pagpapalabas ng “Danny Tape” sa publiko ay kduda-duda. Ayon kay Sen Biazon, sinadya at masinsinang pinagplanuhan ito ng ilang malapit na Heneral (AFP) ng Malakanyang (Gen. Esperon?) ang “Danny Tape” upang ilito at ibaling ang atensyon ng mamamayan sa umiinit na ikalawang impeachment complaint kay Ate Glo. Sinasabi ring na, isa itong pagsubuk (testing the water), pagtantya at pag-antabay sa posibleng magiging reaksyon ng ilang matataas at junior officers sa AFP.
Maaring magkaroon ng backlash ang nasabing pagsasapubliko (no win situation sa pig ng Malakanyang) ng Danny Tape. Kung masama, kung illegal at kung labag sa Konstitusyon ang “withdraw of support” ng grupo nila Gen Danny Lim, walang dudang masama at illegal din ang “withdrawal of support” ni Sec Gen Angelo Reyes nung 2001 Edsa revolution, ang kapanahun ng dating Presidenteng si Erap Estrada. Ang kaibhan nga lang, nabigo ang huli at nagwagi ang grupo ni Gen Angelo Reyes.
Sa totoo lang, mas magaang pa nga ang dating ng panawagan nil Gen Lim, kung ikukumpara sa kaso ni Gen Angelo Reyes nung panahon ni Erap, mga Kudeta ng RAM-SFP -YOU at ni Gringo Honasan nung kapanahon ni Tita Cory.
Ano ang ipinapakita ng Danny Video? Nakakatulong ba ito sa Malakanyan o nakakasira sa katatagan ng gubyerno? Pinatutunayan lamang na totoo ngang may alingasngas sa hanay ng AFP, totoong watak-watak na ang hanay ng militar, kabalintunaang sa sinasabi ng chief of staff Gen Senga,ni Gen Esperonng AFP na solid, nasa panig ng Konstitusyon, may propesyunalismo at susuporta ang lahat sa ilalim ng pamumuno ng commander in chief.
Pinapakita lamang na may namumuong restiveeness sa hanay ng AFP, lalo na sa hanay ng Junior officers. Ipinapakita lamang na ang Danny Tape na “ganun na nga kalaki, kalawak at kasolido ang restiveness sa loob ng AFP.
Doy cinco/ipd
July7, 2006
Thursday, July 06, 2006
Give them the money
Give them the money
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul06/edit.htm
Editorial
‘But the money already recovered should first be used to compensate the victims.’
It’s been a little more than two years since the government took hold of the P36 billion in deposits President Marcos was supposed to have stashed in Swiss banks during the 20 years he was in power. The money is now completely gone, courtesy of this cheating, lying and thieving administration, save for P10 billion reserved for the compensation of victims of martial law abuses.
Congress is taking its own sweet time in passing a law authorizing the payments. In the meantime, the victims are growing old, most of them suffering ailments contracted during their incarceration.
More unfortunate yet is the government’s continuing efforts to block payments from a separate $36 million in recovered Marcos wealth in the United States. Judge Manuel Real, who has awarded the victims $2 billion in compensation, a few days ago ordered partial payment of $2,000 each to 7,500 victims. Payments could not be made, however, because of the actions taken by the Presidential Commission on Good Government. Last month the US court of appeals in San Francisco awarded the $35 million to the victims. The PCGG, however, succeeded in getting a stay of execution from the appellate court.
"It isn’t just sad. It’s a tragedy that the government wants to prevent the poorest of its citizens from recovering for brutal human rights violations," Robert Swift, the lead American lawyer for the victims, said. "The victims keep winning in US courts, the government keeps losing, but it still cannot distribute compensation."
It’s the height of irony.
It is the government, a direct beneficiary of the resistance put up by the victims to the dictatorship, against which the beneficiaries of Real’s ruling are now pitted. Where was Gloria Arroyo in those darkest years? She claimed she had been in the front ranks of the resistance by working to convince foreign governments to withdraw support from Marcos. We are not about to denigrate her contributions. The ouster of Marcos in 1986 was the product of a slow accretion of actions, big or small, against the dictatorship.
But there are now people in government whose shadows we never saw during those years when opposing Marcos was dangerous to health and life. They are even dancing with Imelda for the purported purpose of recovering more wealth to purportedly help the people.
It’s a fraud, but let’s humor them. They can recover more from the Marcoses, well and good.
They can pocket all the money for all we care. But the money already recovered should first be used to compensate the victims.
http://www.malaya.com.ph/jul06/edit.htm
Editorial
‘But the money already recovered should first be used to compensate the victims.’
It’s been a little more than two years since the government took hold of the P36 billion in deposits President Marcos was supposed to have stashed in Swiss banks during the 20 years he was in power. The money is now completely gone, courtesy of this cheating, lying and thieving administration, save for P10 billion reserved for the compensation of victims of martial law abuses.
Congress is taking its own sweet time in passing a law authorizing the payments. In the meantime, the victims are growing old, most of them suffering ailments contracted during their incarceration.
More unfortunate yet is the government’s continuing efforts to block payments from a separate $36 million in recovered Marcos wealth in the United States. Judge Manuel Real, who has awarded the victims $2 billion in compensation, a few days ago ordered partial payment of $2,000 each to 7,500 victims. Payments could not be made, however, because of the actions taken by the Presidential Commission on Good Government. Last month the US court of appeals in San Francisco awarded the $35 million to the victims. The PCGG, however, succeeded in getting a stay of execution from the appellate court.
"It isn’t just sad. It’s a tragedy that the government wants to prevent the poorest of its citizens from recovering for brutal human rights violations," Robert Swift, the lead American lawyer for the victims, said. "The victims keep winning in US courts, the government keeps losing, but it still cannot distribute compensation."
It’s the height of irony.
It is the government, a direct beneficiary of the resistance put up by the victims to the dictatorship, against which the beneficiaries of Real’s ruling are now pitted. Where was Gloria Arroyo in those darkest years? She claimed she had been in the front ranks of the resistance by working to convince foreign governments to withdraw support from Marcos. We are not about to denigrate her contributions. The ouster of Marcos in 1986 was the product of a slow accretion of actions, big or small, against the dictatorship.
But there are now people in government whose shadows we never saw during those years when opposing Marcos was dangerous to health and life. They are even dancing with Imelda for the purported purpose of recovering more wealth to purportedly help the people.
It’s a fraud, but let’s humor them. They can recover more from the Marcoses, well and good.
They can pocket all the money for all we care. But the money already recovered should first be used to compensate the victims.
Wednesday, July 05, 2006
Kung noon pwede, ngayon ay di na pwede!
Bakit noon pwede?
Noong si yumaong Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin ang nananawagan para umalis sa Malacañang si dating Pangulong Joseph Estrada, puwede. Ngayong si Manila Archbishop Gaudencio Cardinal Rosales ang sumusuporta sa isang obispo na naghain ng impeachment, hindi puwede.
Noong lantarang binabatikos ng mga pastoral letters ni yumaong Cardinal Sin ang gobyernong Estrada, puwede. Ngayong pumipitik-pitik sa masamang pamamahala sa gobyerno ang Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) at ni hindi nga deretsahang binabatikos si Pangulong Arroyo sa mga pastoral letters kundi sinisita lang ang moralidad ng ilang nakaupo, hindi puwede.
Noong ratsadahin ni noo'y House Speaker Manuel Villar ang impeachment case laban kay dating Pangulong Estrada para maisampa sa Senado, puwede. Ngayong ang mismong mga miyembro ng gabinete (Hyatt 10) ang kumakalas at nagsasabing may kasalanan si Pangulong Arroyo sa sambayanan kaya't dapat na itong bumaba sa puwesto, hindi puwede.
Noong mag-walkout sa PICC ang mga election encoder noong snap elections sa panahon ni yumaong strongman Ferdinand Marcos dahil sa garapalang dayaan, umubra. Ngayong meron nang 'Hello, Garci' at may mga heneral at koronel nang nagpapatunay na grabe ang dayaan sa Mindanao noong 2004 elections, hindi pa rin uubra.
Noong sina dating AFP chief of staff retired Gen. Angelo Reyes ang rumampa sa EDSA Dos para bumaligtad ng suporta kay noo'y Pangulong Estrada, puwede. Ngayong binalak ni Col. Querubin at ilang kasama na magmartsa sa EDSA nang walang armas at walang bitbit na kulay pulitika, hindi puwede.
Bakit noon, maraming pumuwede? Bakit ngayon ay hindi puwede? Hirit pa lang ay barado na. Pitik pa lang ay sopla na. Noon, si Arroyo ang makikinabang. Ngayon, si Pangulong Arroyo ang masasagasaan.
At noon, masasabing may pagpapahalaga pa ang mga nakaupo noong lider (mula kay Marcos hanggang Estrada) sa kanilang dangal at may respeto sa tunay na boses ng tao. Ngayon, ewan lang namin!
Editorial
July 5, 2006
http://www.abante.com.ph/issue/july0506/main.htm
Noong si yumaong Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin ang nananawagan para umalis sa Malacañang si dating Pangulong Joseph Estrada, puwede. Ngayong si Manila Archbishop Gaudencio Cardinal Rosales ang sumusuporta sa isang obispo na naghain ng impeachment, hindi puwede.
Noong lantarang binabatikos ng mga pastoral letters ni yumaong Cardinal Sin ang gobyernong Estrada, puwede. Ngayong pumipitik-pitik sa masamang pamamahala sa gobyerno ang Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) at ni hindi nga deretsahang binabatikos si Pangulong Arroyo sa mga pastoral letters kundi sinisita lang ang moralidad ng ilang nakaupo, hindi puwede.
Noong ratsadahin ni noo'y House Speaker Manuel Villar ang impeachment case laban kay dating Pangulong Estrada para maisampa sa Senado, puwede. Ngayong ang mismong mga miyembro ng gabinete (Hyatt 10) ang kumakalas at nagsasabing may kasalanan si Pangulong Arroyo sa sambayanan kaya't dapat na itong bumaba sa puwesto, hindi puwede.
Noong mag-walkout sa PICC ang mga election encoder noong snap elections sa panahon ni yumaong strongman Ferdinand Marcos dahil sa garapalang dayaan, umubra. Ngayong meron nang 'Hello, Garci' at may mga heneral at koronel nang nagpapatunay na grabe ang dayaan sa Mindanao noong 2004 elections, hindi pa rin uubra.
Noong sina dating AFP chief of staff retired Gen. Angelo Reyes ang rumampa sa EDSA Dos para bumaligtad ng suporta kay noo'y Pangulong Estrada, puwede. Ngayong binalak ni Col. Querubin at ilang kasama na magmartsa sa EDSA nang walang armas at walang bitbit na kulay pulitika, hindi puwede.
Bakit noon, maraming pumuwede? Bakit ngayon ay hindi puwede? Hirit pa lang ay barado na. Pitik pa lang ay sopla na. Noon, si Arroyo ang makikinabang. Ngayon, si Pangulong Arroyo ang masasagasaan.
At noon, masasabing may pagpapahalaga pa ang mga nakaupo noong lider (mula kay Marcos hanggang Estrada) sa kanilang dangal at may respeto sa tunay na boses ng tao. Ngayon, ewan lang namin!
Editorial
July 5, 2006
http://www.abante.com.ph/issue/july0506/main.htm
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